the monstrous aggression which all Europe, and, I lament to say, Great Britain also, have committed against the brave Norwegiaus. The historian will blush, when he indites the page in which he records the detestable fact, that a British Ficet blockaded the Norwegian ports, to starve that wretched country into submission to their new masters, by and ability than he possesses, to extinguish.---Proceeding northward, the affairs of Holland next meet the eye. Here, we find the most unnatural union between the Dutchman and the Brabanter; men as opposite in their pursuits, composition, and constitution as two animals of the same species can possible be. An army of 75,000 troops, in the pay of England, one half our own countrymen, is in gar-preventing the entry of all the common rison in that country. Where the people articles of necessity, even to food; are satisfied, such an army is unnecessary, and this in violation of the general wish and if they are not satisfied, twice the of the whole country, expressed in the number will not make them so.-It is ut- strongest manner almost by acclamation. terly impossible to describe the state of The mind revolts at a picture like this; Germany, for here calculation is perfectly and yet this is the state of peace and haplost. Report contradicts report, in end-piness which the allied Sovereigns have less variety. One thing alone is clear, that the allied sovereigns, who established the late crusade, in the most solemn professions of the most pure disinterestedness are now adopting the very system of Napoleon, even to the expressions he made use of in that system. The ear is fatigued with the word " In"demuity," and I was in hopes that, in common decency, it would have been left out of the vocabulary of the Allies. On the contrary, it appears that the Vienna Congress is occupied, day and night, in carding out fresh "indemnities" for the conquerors of their great prototype, the fallen Napoleon. Russia and Prussia are said to be determined on seizing their defenceless prey, and to possess themselves by force of what is denied to them by reason, justice, and common honesty. Was there a single act in the whole life of the French Emperor so base and atrocious as the attempt attributed to these monarchs to root out the whole family of the King of Saxony? The deposition of Ferdinand of Spain, was but child's play to this. He signed his abdication, and Joseph had a pretence at least to his throne, not only by this act of Ferdinand, but by the will of at least one half of the population of the country. But, in Saxony, the whole nation, to a man, concur in abhorring this tartar-like usurpation; and it never can be carried but by the loss of much hu- Mr. COBBETT.-I have read with man blood. The same argument precise-culiar attention an account in the Mornly applies toPoland. That ill-fated coun- ing Chronicle, purporting to be a detail try has been ever the prey to lawless of the proceedings of the late Winchester violence and ambition; and the magna Meeting on the subject of the Property nimous Alexander is accused of fohowing, Tax.-I have looked this over in the most with undeviating accuracy, the blood- careful manner, and am of opinion, from stained steps of his ancestor, the immor its internal evidence, that this must be a fol Catherine. But how shall I describe garbled statement, and that Mr. Perry so pompously sounded throughout Europe FINANCE. pe has not given it as it really took place. Ivery | but remain there to take care of our friend much lament this, because in the present the Sovereign Prince of the Netherlands, degraded state of the British Press, the or whatever he is called, and to protect Morning Chronicle and Statesman are him and his new dominions from the apthe only daily newspapers in which the prehensions he entertains from his new public has a chance of finding any thing subjects and his old neighbours. It seems like the truth; and if Mr. Perry, no to be totally forgotten also, that Commismatter from what motives, is to be in- sary General Sir Hugh Robert Kennedy, duced to withhold from us any thing of Knight, and Commissary General Sir importance on our side of the question, Charles Henry Dalrymple, Knight, and and Mr. Lovell is to be continued in his Commissary General Sir Charles Edward imprisonment in Newgate, no matter how Eylmir, Knight, (one Scotch, one Irish, or why; in these cases, the only two and one English, to properly represent sources we have of genuine information Mr. John Bull in his triple capacity) are will be completely shut up, and we must at present most actively occupied in, what look to the polluted streams of the Times is called according to the technical phrase and the Courier, for whatever filth and of office, winding up the accounts of the falsehood they choose to cram down Peninsula, where a sum of no less than our throats-However, taking Mr. Perry's thirteen millions, for which bills either account (for we have no other,) to be an are or will be drawn upon the English accurate one, I beg leave to trouble you treasury, remains to be provided for. with a few observations, that occur to me even from so imperfect an account of the proceedings of that day. The enormous expence which must attend the bringing home of our American army; the unsettled Ordinance accounts; the charges of Transport, and various other branches of the public service, which, supposing the ratification of peace to arrive in the earliest possible time, must of necessity continue so long, that this year will probably expire before any effectual reduction can take place, will obviously create an expence so enormous, that not only will the Property Tax, or some other equally productive, be necessary to meet it, but a loan of at least twenty millions will be required for the service of the current year. The trifling reduction which has taken place in the navy, can hardly be said at all to diminish our expence in that branch of service; and I am quite satisfied that the Prince Regent's week's merry making at Jubilee. fair, and the feasting and dancing of the Allied Sovereigns, who honoured us with their company last Summer, will cost a much greater sum than will have been saved by the paying off the few ships that have been placed in ordinary. The public cannot but be much in debted to you for the manly manner in which you met the question, and, without reference either to Whigs or Tories, without thinking either of Lord Grey or Lord Grenville, or Mr. Pitt's six per cent. or Mr. Fox's ten per cent. at once declaring openly and above aboard, that in the present state of our expenditure, this tax must go on, or a substitute for it be provided. The fact is, the Government cannot go on without resources to the amount which it produces. It is understood that the war with America cost upon an average a million a month. Speaking from memory only, I believe the Property Tax produced about twenty millions a year. Thus, therefore, at the first blush, it would appear that even during the continuance of the American war, this tax produced a surplus of eight millions, and that, therefore, when the war ceased, of course the Property Tax ought to cease also. But the very opposite is the fact; and although by the fa- No effectual reduction has certainly vourable issue of the negociations at taken place at home. If we except the Ghent, a very considerable saving will no reduction of the Militia, and a few superdoubt be made; yet it appears to be numary officers of the line placed on half totally forgotten, that we have an army pay, nothing that can be called an imin America of from 30 to 40,000 men, portant saving has been made. It is and another in Holland of nearly twice true, a few second battalions have been that amount. The army in America can- reduced. But how? Why by drafting not be brought home for at least six the men to their respective first battamonths to come; and that in Belgium, Ilions; and thus the only diminution suppose, will not be brought home at all, of expence is the mere difference between ( the full and half pay of a set of meritorious and deserving officers, who are sent to the right-about now they are no longer wanted; while all the extraordinary and expensive establishments of the Treasury, and the Horse Guards, remain untouched, and, I suppose, will be untouchable. The third Secretary of State-ship was expressly created as a mere war establishment. A variety of corps of different sorts and descriptions, such as the Royal Artillery Drivers, the Royal Staff Corps, the Royal Waggon Train, and various other similar non-descripts were all war establishments. Sir Digby Hamilton, Knight, Waggon Master General, and temporary rank Major General, was, as his very designation purports, only a war establishment. Yet this colossus, as well in size as in expence, still hovers about the Horse Guards, shedding his baneful influence in all directions. How is it possible then that the Income Tax can be dispensed with, while such tremendous draughts as these are made upon the public purse? We begin at the wrong end. Instead of meeting to petition for the repeal of this tax, we should petition for the diminution of the expence which occasions its necessity. In that case we should have reason on our side, for it is palpable and apparent that while the present most frightful expenditure is suffered to continue, it is impossible to suppose but that a system of taxation sufficiently productive must be adapted to meet it.-I remain, &c. AMERICA. CIVIS. HAIL! happy land-the blest abode, To seek the promis'd land, th' Asylum of Hail! land of FREEDOM,-Genius there Protected, thrives beneath thy fost'ring care, The mind unshackled, and restraints un- SIR, The acquaintance I consider myself to have formed with you, through the channel of your valuable Register, and feeling confident you will pardon my presumption, induce me to intrude the enclosed on your attention; and if not contrary to your regulations, and you should deem it worthy of insertion in your useful publication, I can only say it will particularly oblige a young man, who has imbibed from your instruction and example an ardent love of liberty, and who has witnessed the late efforts of the Americans to maintain their independence, with admiration, and the termination of the contest with the greatest satisfaction. Should my request be thought too Hurl Priestcraft to the dust, and Despotism presumptuous, I shall at any rate be re The equal laws, which WISDOM plann'd; May thy example, to surrounding Nations shewn, from his throne. THE CONGRESS. in no slight degree to confirm the opinion which so many entertain upon this subwho has uniformly been the decided eneject with myself, that the only monarch MR. COBBETT.-Although it may be hazardous to canvass, at present, the motives of our generous, and just allies, yet I think that their proceedings formy of Napoleon, remains the victim of the friendly commiseration, or the notice his sincere hostility, without exciting either of those monarchs to whom he set the first example of resistance and resolution. too fond of war, and perhaps deranged; I am not justifying his conduct; he was but God knows if these are just reasons for the deposition of legitimate kings, the a very prominent subject for general animadversion. Perhaps, previously to entering into any review of their conduct, it may be as well to say a few words relative to the exaggerated expectations, generally formed as to the result of the deliberations of these digni fied and immaculate characters. It as little Bona "decks would soon be swabbed," of half the regal list of former times. The person I allude to is Gustavus of Sweden, who has lost his own kingdom in the cause for which ourselves and our magnanimous allies pretend to have been fighting-the restoration of the old order of things on the continent. Now, Sir, has not this Gustavus a much greater right to claim indemnity" than any of them? And would it not do more credit to the character of the Russian Autocrat, to set the tavus, than to pocket it himself, or give crown of Poland upon the head of Gusit to his brother? It was my intention to have seriously canvassed the claims of Russia to Poland; but, really, Sir, it would be paying them a compliment which they do not deserve. Reason need not combat the principles that have no foundation but power-no right but force. JUVENIS, PUBLIC REJOICING. was certainly imagined by a great majority of those who huzzaed and attended, from morning to night, every movement of our recent royal visitors, that every thing would be settled by them upon the fairest and most honorable basis. The applauses bestowed upon them were intended as much to reprobate the conduct of him whom fate had overthrown, in approbation of those who had been the secondary agents of his ruin. We gave credit for their professions; we anticipated a generous and most magnanious policy from the Liberator Alexander, and Frederick, the wise and the sedate. It is now said, however, by the Courier, the Times, and almost all our Newspapers, that a partcan leaven is mixed, even in the composition of these legitimate Kings. There appears, say these journals, to be a singular assimulation to the political system of the recent Ruler of France in all the proceedings of the Congress. Mr. COBBETT.-The public who so Their ideas of regal justice seem not greedily rejoiced, and feasted, and illuvery distant from the policy of usurpa- minated, and were beyond measure elated tion. Aggrandisement is the word with at the downfall of Buonaparte, as an event all of them. They seem almost inclined that could not fail to do for England all to dispute the climax of injustice with their hearts could desire; (in which, by Napoleon, and to pay as little regard as the by, they now begin to see they were himself to the rights of their inferiors. mistaken,) that public having suffered the His audacity, they add, is wanting; but late happy peace with America, which I his rapacity is not left far behind. I have consider to be far more beneficial to often heard it remarked, that the views the true interests of our country and the of Buonaparte completely identified him world, to pass by without any illumination, with the legitimate and hereditary sove- or other more rational mode of expressing Je gns of the day. He was as fond of their joy, I, who am sorry for the omisgoverning imperiously, as careless of the sion, have considered what it would have rights and welfare of his subjects, and cost me to illuminate on that occasion, the rights of his neighbours, as if his an- and determined to devote that sum as far cestors had sat for centuries on thrones, as it will go, to the purchase of your and the sceptre had descended to him valuable Register. By so doing, I shall from some ancient robber, instead of l-materially gratify myself, pay the debt of ving been forcibly grasped by the ruderatitude to those principles, whose aim hands of a modern one. And it seems it has always been to bring about that peace, and as far as humble efforts go, to contribute to their spread and encourage- No. 1.---Copy of a Letter from Messrs. Adams, ment. I shall also shew my admiration of the writer, whom I consider to be the only one I know, that has set the matter of America in its true light; and whom I respect, (as far as I know, which is only by his Register, as a sound patriot, clear writer, and an honest man. If you were to publish this in your Register, perhaps it might induce others to do the same, or something like it; and it is an opportunity for the friends of freedom, to encourage her cause, without any extra expence to themselves. For few, or none, of the friends of peace, I presume, (save those who abstain from principle,) would have declined to light up, if it had been generally the case. I speak more particularly to the inhabitants of towns. Those in the country, who would have spent money on the occasion, in other ways, but did not, because they had not the opportunity, may also adopt the same plan. I embrace this occasion, Sir, to thank you for your past efforts, for your country's good. Go on, I entreat you, in the useful work you have so long, and so admirably conducted. The time is coming, I hope, when your lahours will be justly appreciated, and produce good fruit. War having tasod corruption has lost half its food. The cessity of strict economy, and the effects of extravagant expenditure, and the chimerical ideas we have entertained, will occasion reflection, and that must shew us the true causes of the mischief, and dispose the whole community to admire, and imitate those principles which would have prevented it; and to follow which affords now the best chance of restoration to that happy state we were once in. Heartily wishing this consummation, I am your admirer and wellwisher, STATE PAPERS. W. W. Bayard, Clay, Russell, and Gallatin, to the Secretary of State, dated Ghent, Oct. 95, 1814. SIR,--We have the honour of transmitting here with, copies of all our correspondence with the British Plenipotentiaries, since the departure of Mr. Dallas. Although the negociation has not terminated so abruptly as we expected at that period that it would, we have no reason to retract the opinion which we then expressed, that no hopes of peace as likely to result from it, could be entertained. It is true, that the terms which the British Government had so peremptptily prescribed at that time, have been apparently abandoned, and that the sine qua non then required as a preliminary to all discussion upon other topics, has been ́reduced to an article securing merely an Indian pacification, which we have agreed to accept, subject to the ratification or rejection of our Government. But you will perceive that our request for the exchange of a projet of a Treaty has been cluded, and that in their last note, the British Plenipotentiaries have advanced a demand not only new and uniform previous declarations, that Great Britain、 inadmissible, but totally incompatible with their had no view in this negociation to any acquisition of teritory. It will be perceived that this new pretension was brought forward immediately after "county melkten ressing kalut a British force, possession of all the pat State of Massachusetts, situate East of Petit fiver. The British Plenipotentiaries have invariably referred to their Government every note received from us, and waited the return of their messenger before they have transmitted to us their answer; and the whole tenor of the correspondence, as well as the manner in which it has been conducted on the part of the British Government, have concurred to convince us, that their obj: ct has been delay; their motives for this policy we presume to have been, to keep the alternative of peace or a protracted war in their own hands, until a general arrangement of European affairs should be accomplished at the Congress of Vienna, and until they could avail themselves of the advantages, which they have anticipated from the success of their arms, during Message to the Senate and House of Re-the present campaign in America. Although the Sovereigns who had determined to be present at the Congress of Vienna have been already several weeks assembled there, it does not appear by the last advices from that place that the Congress has been formally opened. On the contrary, by a declaration from the Plenipotentiar.es of the Powers, who were parties to the peace of Paris of 30th May last, the opening of the Congress appears to have been postponed to the first of November |