wish to be informed of those historical means, whereby I may know, by whose authority those books, when formed into their present collective state, were designated holy inspired scriptures. It is my firm belief that if these books were more candidly examined, and more rationally considered, the truth, and rationality of christianity would be better understood; but instead of which, the schools teach their youth to read and think according to the creed of their respective Church: thus it is that the mind is nurtured into an established prejudice, superstition, and bigotry, which will ever remain So, unless reason, by free inquiry, resumes her government.

ON RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION.

LETTER VII.

Remember that the disorders of the Soul are not to be cured by force and violence."

Cardinal de Camus.-Pastoral Instructions.1688.

then reading daily. In St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans, Chap. XV. verse 4. he says, "For whatsoever things were written aforetime were written for our learning, that we through patience and comfort of the scriptures might have hope." Here it Here it is evident, that those scriptures which Paul speaks of to the Romans as being of comfort to them, were written" aforetime; "tong before this letter of his to them; therefore this epistle could not be then scriptures of the Romans. In II Timothy Chapter III. verse 15 and 16. St. Paul tells his friend Timothy that "all scripture is given by inspiration of God; and, "that from a child thou hast known the holy scriptures." This epistle of Paul is a part of the New Testament, but St. Paul does not here tell his friend Timothy, that this lettter of his, which he was then writing to him, was to be considered as a part of the holy scriptures; no, because Paul only alludes to those scriptures, which his friend Timothy had known from his childhood. Hence, I think that JULIAN, the Roman Emperor, who nothing can be more clear, than that the flourished in the fourth century from the authors of those narratives, and those Christian era, and when that religion had admonitary letters, which comprise the long been established in Rome, observing book of the New Testament, do not that wild beasts were less furious against any where assert, that what they were mankind than the generality of christians writing should be considered as a part towards those christians who thought of the holy inspired scriptures. Not differently from themselves, was deteronly from the clear evidence of those mined to restore the ancient pagan sysbooks themselves but likewise by com- tem, which was particularly mild and toparing them with other historical docu- lerant, and, according to his views, better ments, it will be found that the apostles calculated to insure peace and harmony only alluded to those holy inspired to society. For this he has been desigscriptures, which did then exist, (the nated the Apostate by all christian wriDid Testament) because the New had ters since that period; but whatever no being at the time. Moreover some epithets they may please to give him, of the apostles were dead before the or whatever abuse their spleen may beothers had written; consequently many stow on his memory, they cannot deny of them were ignorant of some of those that he was a great philosopher and a books: and all of them were unacquaint- very acute and sensible man. His life, ed with them collectively, as they had if written impartially, would afford much no existence in such a state 'till more instruction; but christians are not likely than a century after the death of the to do him justice on account of their preanthors. It is not what may be thought judices. His writings evince great judgeof those books, from their intrinsic con-ment and discrimination, and will amply sideration that I solicit your attention, but because I have the opinion of many able writers, such as Mr. Evanson, Dr. Watts, Dr. Priestly, Dr. Horsley, c. all of whom, I have no doubt, were sincere christians, and of unquestionable erudition and abilities; yet they all differed very widely in their judgments of those books. I only

repay the Student for his labor in perusing them.-In his third Epistle, speaking of the christians by the name of Galicans, he has these remarkable words:-"I will not suffer them to be dragged to "the Altars, nor the least wrong to be of"fered them. They are rather mad “than wicked. Let us endeavour, if it is possible, to make them hear reason.

breathed with regard to the late Mrs. Southcott. But perhaps his wisdom has taught him to turn a deaf ear to their thoughtless malice. I am willing, in the present instance, to consider him possessed of sentiments as amiable and liberal as those of Julian, which I have quoted as my text, and to allow that he acts according to the dictates of sound policy. He knows that there is no species of superstition that human credulity will not embrace, if it is presented in the shape of

"and to gain them by gentle means; we ought not to hate, but to pity them. They are already but too unhappy by deceiving themselves in the most essen"tial thing upon earth."-Now,although am no courtly parasite, and have the misfortune to be devoid of that superstitious veneration for kings and princes, which disables many people from holding in just abhorrence the tyrannical Villain and the public Robber, because, forsooth, he is disguised from his fellow men by some high sounding but unmeaning nick-religion. He is well aware too, of the name; is waited upon by a set of servants dressed like merry andrews, and rides in a gaudy chariot besmeared with the most ridiculous pictures caled coats of arms.--Although, I say, I cannot pay a stupid homage to a set of worthless drones, merely because they are concealed beneath the pomp of title and the splendour of equipage, yet I trust I shall ever have the candour to praise merit, even when discovered in the Augean Stable of a Court.

manner in which we receive all our ideas; and consequently is convinced that the errors of the mind are not voluntary errors, and, therefore, can, never be cured by constraint or persecution. He is fully sensible that if these people are deluded, TIME, the tryer of all things, will do more to open their eyes than violent opposition, which would only strengthen them in their faith, because, like the Saints of old, they would deem it an infallible evidence of the truth of their sys Royalty is a soil seldom congenial tem.--As an enlightened christian, and to virtue and talent; consequently a single one whose mind soars far above the slatrait of goodness, or ability, in the cha-vish priest-led-herd who bear that name, racter of a Prince, should attract our at- he is conscious that religions persecutitention as the brilliant gem of the glow on cannot be defended upon the pure worm, shining with more lustre through and simple principles of our holy religion the dark night of corruption. I am as taught by Jesus, and therefore has deabout to praise our gracious Prince Re-termined that these people should be left gent, because it strikes me that be pos- to themselves, and permitted to worship. sesses a mind superior to vulgar preju- the Gods after their own manner, indices. I cannot conceive him entirely stead of listening to the cry of "Crucify, ignorant of the sentiments promulgated Crucify," from an ignorant, bigotted, and by the time serving writers of our daily misguided populace.-It is because I Journals, or of the opinions of the great choose to consider that our good Prince bulk of society, relative to a particular has been governed by motives like these, Sect of Christians, and the celebrated that I attribute to him sentiments as female, whose name will be handed down amiable and as wise as those of JULIAN; to posterity as their founder, with as bút lest the illnatured, or envious, should much eclat as Arins, Socinus, William deny him the approbation I would give Penn, or John Wesley. The Newspapers him for christian charity, or philosophic have been continually attacking both her liberality, I will endeavour to prove that and her followers, in the most scurrilous he deserves the same meed of applause manner, and calling for legislative inter- for the enlightened policy his conduct, ference to suppress her doctrines; and on this. occasion, has displayed.--Some the populace have been constantly wish-persons may say that the conduct of ing that the holy prophetess herself was either burnt, or imprisoned for life. These matters cannot have escaped the attention of a prince, whose business it is to make himself acquainted with every thing which concerns the people who suffer him to be their head servant. He must be aware of their clamour, and the persecuting spirit which they have

princes ought to be attributed to their advisers; but they should recollect, that it is their foolish and wicked actions alone that their pinisters are accountable for, and that every act of grace, wisdom, and clemency, usually proceeds from the monarch himself. Upon this principle, therefore, I think proper to applaud the judgment and prudence

Continued from page 192.

NOTE FROM THE BRITISH TO THE AMERICAN
MINISTERS.

GHENT, Sept. 4, 1814.
«The undersigned have the honour to acknow-
ledge the receipt of the Note of the American
Plenipotentiaries, dated the 24th_ultimo.---It is |
with unfeigned regret that the undersigned ob-
serve both in the tone and substance of the whole
Note, so little proof of any disposition on the
part of the Government of the United States to
enter into an amicable discussion of the several
points submitted by the undersigned in their
former communication. The undersigned are per-
fectly aware, that in bringing forward these points
for consideration, and stating with so much frank-
ness, as they did, the views with which they
were proposed, they departed from the usual
course of negociating, by disclosing all t ob-
jects of their Government, while those which the
American Government had in view were withheld;
but in so doing they were principally actuated
by a sincere desire of bringing the negociation
as soon as possible to a favourable termination,
and in some measure by their willingness to com-
ply with the wishes expressed by the American
Plenipotentiaries themselves. It is perfectly true
that the war between his Majesty and the United
States was declared by the latter power upon the
pretence of maritime rights alledged to be asserted by
Great Britain, and disputed by the United States.
If the war thus declared by the United States had
been carried on by them for objects purely of a
maritime nature, or if the attack which had been
made on Canada had been for the purpose of diver-
sion, or in the way of defence against the British
forces in that quarter, any question as to the boun-
daries of Canada might have been considered as un-
necessary; but it is notorious to the whole world
that the conquest of Canada, and its permanent an-

nexation to the United States, was the declared object of the American Government. If, in consequence of a different course of events on the continent of Europe, his Majesty's Government had been unable to reinforce the British armies in Cana

da, and the United States had obtained a decided superiority in that quarter, is there any person who doubts that they would have availed themselves of their situation to obtain on the side of Eanada important cessions of territory, if not the entire abandonment of that country by Great Britain? Is the American Government to be allowed to persue, so far as its means will enable it, a system of acquisition and aggrandisement tothe point of annexing entire provinces to their dominions, and his Majesty to be precluded from availing himself of his means, so far as they will enable him, to retain those points which the valor of British arms may have placed in his power, because they happen to be situated within the territories allotted under former treaties to the Government of the United States? Such a principle of negociation was never avowed at any period antecedent to that of the Revolutionary Government of France. If the policy of the United States had been essentially pacific, as the American Plenipotentiaries assert it ought to be, from their political institutions, from the habits of their citizens, and from their physical situation, it might not have been necessary to propose the precautionary provisions now under discussion. That, of late years at least, the American Government have been influenced by a very different policy: by a spirit of aggrandisement not necessary to their own security, but increasing with the extent of their empire, has been too clearly manifested by their progressive occupation of Indian territoriesby the acquisition of Louisiana; by the more recent attempt to wrest by force of arms from a nation in amity, the two Floridas; and lastly, by the avowed intention of permanently annexing the Canadas to the United States. If then security of the British North American dominious requires any sacrifices on the part of the United States, they must be ascribed to the declared policy of that Govern ment in making the war not one of self defence, nor for the redress of grievances, real or pretended, but a part of a system of conquest and aggrandisement. The British Government, in its present situation, is bound in duty to endeavour to secure its North American dominions against those attempts at conquest, which the American Government have avowed to be a principle of their policy, and which, as-such, will undoubtedly be renewed, whenever any succeeding war between the two countries shall afford a prospect of renewing them with success. The British Plenipotentiaries proposed that the military possession of the Lakes, from Lake Ontario to Lake Superior, should be.

secured to Great Britain, because the command of Quebec becomes interrupted, was not in contem those Lakes would afford to the American Govern-lation of the British Plenipotentiaries who conment the means of commencing a war in the heart cluded the treaty of 1783, and that the greater of Canada, and because the command of them, on part of the territory in question is actually unocthe part of Great Britain, has been shewn by ex- cupied. The undersigned are persuaded that an perience, to be attended with no insecurity to the arrangement en this point might be easily made, United States. When the relative strength of if entered into with the spirit of conciliation, withthe two Powers in North America is considered, it out any prejudice to the interests of the district in should be recollected that the British dominions in question. As the necessity for fixing some boun that quarter do not contain a population of 500,000 dary for the north western frontier has been mupersons, whereas the territory of the United States tually acknowledged, a proposal for a discussion on contains a population of more than seven millions; that subject cannot be considered as a demand for that the naval resources of the United States are at a cession of territory, unless the United States are hand for attack, and that the naval resources of prepared to assert that there is no limit to their Great Britain are on the other side of the Atlantic. territories in this direction; and that, availing The military possession of those Lakes is not, there- themselves of the geographical error upon which fore, necessary for the protection of the United that part of the treaty of 1783 was founded, they States. The proposal for allowing the territories on will acknowledge no boundary whatever; then the southern banks of the Lakes above mentioned unquestionably any proposition, to fix one, be it to remain in the possession of the Government of what it may, must be considered as demanding a the United States, provided no fortifications should large cession of territory from the United States. be elected on the shores, and no armament per- Is the American Government prepared to assert mitted on the waters, has been made, for the pursuch an unlimited right so contrary to the evident pose of manifesting, that security and not acquisi- intention of the treaty itself? Or, is his Majesty's tion of territory is the object of the British Go-Government to understand, that the American vernment, and that they have no desire to throw obstacles in the way of any commerce which the people of the United States may be desirous of carrying on upon the Lakes in time of peace. The undersigned, with the anxious wish to rectify all misunderstanding, have thus more fully explained the grounds upon which they brought forward the propositions contained in their former Note respecting the boundaries of the British dominions in North America. They do not wish to insist upon them beyond what the circumstances may fairly require. They are ready, amicably to discuss the details of them with a view to the adoption of any modifications which the American Plenipotentiaries or their Government, may have to suggest if they are not incompatible with the object itself. With respect to the boundary of the district of Maine, and that of the North Western frontier of the United States, the undersigned were not prepared to anticipate the objections contained in the Note of the American Plenipotentiaries; they were instructed to treat for the revision of their boundary lines, with the statement which they have subsequently made, that they had no authority to cede any part, however insignificant, of the territories of the United States, although the proposal left it open to them to demand an equivalent for such cession either in frontier or otherwise. The American Plenipotentiaries must be aware that the boundary of the district of Maine has never been correctly ascertained; that the one asserted at present by the American Government, by which the direct communication between Halifax and

Plenipotentiaries are willing to acknowledge the
boundary from the Lake of the Woods to the
Mississippi (the arrangement by a convention in
1803, but not ratified) as that by which their Go-
vernment is ready to abide. The British Plenipo-
tentiaries are instructed to accept favourably such
a proposition, or to discuss any other line of boun-
dary which may be submitted for consideration. It
is with equal astonishment the undersigned find
that the American Plenipotentiaries have not only
declined signing any provisional article, by which
the Indian Nations who have taken part with
Great Britain in the present contest may be in-
cluded in the peace, and inay have a boundary
assigned to them, but have also thought proper
to express surprise at any proposition on the sub-
ject having been advanced. The American Pleni-
potentiaries state, that their Government could not
have expected such a
resolved, at once, to reject any proposition on this
head; representing it as a demand contrary to the
acknowledged principles of public law, tantamount

discussion, and appear

to a cession of one third of the territorial dominions

of the United States, and required to be admitted without discussion. The proposition which is thus represented is, that the Indian Nations, which have been during the war in alliance with Great Britain, should at its termination be included in the pacification; and, with a view to their permanent tranquillity and security, that the British Government is willing to take as a basis of an article on the subject of a boundary for those nations, the stipulations which the American Government

So far was that specific proposition respecting the Indian boundaries from being insisted upon in the note, or in the conference which preceded it, as one to be admitted without discussion, that it would have been difficult to use terms of greater latitude, of which appeared more adapted, not only not to preclude but to invite discussion. If the bases proposed could convey away one third of the territory of the United States, the American Go-ceived little proof of any disposition on the part of vernment itself must have conveyed it away by the Grenville Treaty of 1795. It is impossible to read that treaty without remarking how inconsistent the present pretensions of the American Government are, with its preamble and provisions. The