was a fine example of French economy, and Catholic charity united. He gave a beggar a sous, and ook back two liards in change.

female character in France is a proof of it. There is that freedom of action, and reliance on their own powers, in the French women, generally, which occasionally, we observe with admiration in women of superior talents in England.

The following very interesting particulars, as to the occupations of the fair - sex, are highly deserving of consideration: In every part of France women employ themselves in offices which are deemed with us unsuit-sent occupiers of land in France, possesses no smail degree of interest:

The contrast drawn by our author between the ancient nobility and the pre

in a

The ancient nobility, before the revolution, were not very refined in their mode of living at their chateaux. These houses, generally ruinous state and badly furnished, were occasionally visited by their owners, accompanied probably by a party of guests, and a numerous tribe of domestics. These visits were the result of

caprice sometimes; often of necessity: to recover fresh vigor for the expences of Paris: but rarely for the true enjoyment of the country. Their ap

able to the sex. Here there is no sexual distinction of employment: the women undertake any task they are able to perform, without much notion of fitness or unfitness. This applies to all classes. The lady of one of the principal clothers at Louviers, conducted us over the works; gave us palterus of the best cloths; ordered the machinery to be set in motion for our gratification, and was evidently in the habit of attending to the whole detail of the business. Just so, near Rouen, the wife of the largest farmer in that quarter, conducted me to the barns and stables; shewed me the various im-pearance was not welcomed by their tenants, from plements, and explained their use: took me into the fields, and described the mode of husbandry, which she perfectly understood; expatiated on the excellence of their fallows; pointed out the best sheep in the flock, and gave me a detail of their management in buying their wether lambs and fattening their wethers. This was on a farm of about 400 acres. In every shop and warehouse you see similar activity in the females. At the royal porceJain manufactory at Sevres, a woman was called to receive payment for the articles we purchased. In the Halle de Bled, at Paris, women, in their little counting-houses, are performing the office of factors, in the sale of grain and flour. In every department they occupy an important station, from one extremity of the country to the other.

In many cases, where women are employed in the more laborious occupations, the real cause is directly opposite to the apparent. You see them in the south, threshing, with the men, under a burning sun;-it is a family party threshing out the crop of their own freehold a woman is holding a plough; the plough, the horses, the land is her's; or, (as we have it) her husband's; who is probably sowing the wheat which she is turning in. You are shocked on seeing a fine young woman loading a dung cart; it belongs her fathre, who is manuring his own field, for their common support. In these instances the toil of the woman denotes wealth rather than want; though the latter is the motive to which a superficial observer would refer it. Who can estimate the importance, in a moral and political view, of this state of things Where the women, in the complete exercise of thei mental and bodily faculties, are performing thei full share of the duties of life. It is the natural, healthy condition of Society. Its influence on the

and insolent of course.

whom certain extra services were then required. Provisions of all kinds, grain, fish, fowl, all were ju requisition. The dependants, almost plundering, The gentry, spending their time at cards or billiards; or promenading in their strait lined gardens, in stiff Parisian dresses, were only known on their estates to be hated and despised. A better spirit prevails at present. Proprietors have acquired a touch of the country gentleman, and are cultivating their estates; whilst the tenants are relieved from degrading corvees and other odious oppressions. Still, much is wanting to render a country residence inviting to those who cannot be satisfied in the society of their own domestic circle; or who may not be blessed with a numerous and happy family. When capital, in the hands of well educated men, begins to be directed to rural affairs, a foundation is laid for a better state of society. A broad foundation of this sort has been already laid in France. Thanks to the Revolut on

We have heard much respecting the Police, and the number of crimes in Tradesmen. Many have gone so far as to attribute the increase of crimes with us to a defect in our laws of police.-But whatever may be in this, it is clear from Mr. Birbeck's statement, that crimes are by no means so prevailing there as in this country.

Whilst waiting for my passport of departure, at the Bureau of the Prefecture, many persons were receiving passports of removal from one section of Paris to another. A strictness of police of which I before had no conception. Imagine a register is kept of the inhabitants of every house; and from the arrangement of the numerous clerks in this long

sont ils bons ?" 68

with a pike in his hand, met me, and civilly enquired if the grapes were good. Les raisins Non," replied I. "Comme ca;" and shewed him the bunch I had gathered. You must go with me "a la Ville," says he, devant le Maire." I remonstrated -he threatened: at length he consented to let me off for a frank. This I should not have complied with, if my company had not been forward, and waiting for me; but would havė

south, where vineyards are universal, the same degree of strictness would not have appeared in this particular, but the watchful spirit is perceived every where.

and commodious apartment, called the Bureau des Passports, I have no doubt but this important object is attained without difficulty or confusion. 1 presume passports are procured without much tronble or any expence to the panties: they are there fore not likely to be neglected by any but the evil disposed; and as general security is the aim, and in a great degree the result, of these seemingly severe regulations, they may be submitted to with cheerfulness. A police of this kind trust prevent the existence of such hordes of banditti as infest our ine-paid the legal penalty before the mayor. In the tropolis. Here can be no dark and inscrutable recesses where villains by profession may collect in a mass, and conspire against the public. This is the fair side. How much these regulations favour political tyranny, I am not qualified to say; but here I suspect mischeif. However, the clerks in this office appear to be a civil, respectable set, and much better employed in preventing crimes, and are probably better men, than the swarm of police officers, with us, who live by them; who, by overlooking small offences, nurse up the criminals to that emi-ful character renders pilfering unprofitable and nence in guilt, which entitles the thief-taker to a reward. Security of person and property, two great ends of Society, are attained in a higher degree under the French than under the English system.

in the egg.

With a Government really Representative, such a police would not be an engine of oppression: and to estimate its value in comparison with a vindictive police, such as that of England, we must consider the wretchedness of the agent of a criminal act, as well as the suffering of its object. Its watch

dangerous, therefore it is not followed as a profession: a man rises to an accomplished villain by degrees, therefore the prevention of small offences hinders the commission of atrocious crimes.

(To be continued,)

MARSHAL MARMONT.

SIR, At the time the influence of the allies caused the defection of the Dukę of Ragusa from Napoleon, the Duke was stationed at the head of forty thousand of the finest troops in the French service, to act as a screen on Paris, on the approach of the allies to that capital. This command formed an important post in the plan of a master-piece of Generalship, by the execution of which, had Marmont only remained faithful, the al

Prevention of crimes is the very spirit of the former, which pervades every place, and meets you at every turn. In the country, the Gardes champetres, a revolutionary institution, are the great means, always in activity, of crushing them One or more of these officers is appointed in every commune, whose duty it is to prevent all petty depredations, and even trespasses out of the public paths. In every case they may arrest the offender, and carry him before the mayor of the commune, who levies a penalty according to law. These men are always on the alert; aimed, mostly with a pike, sometimes with a gun; and are authorized to use force in case of resistance, In towns, the preventive police is pr-lies would have fallen in the hands of formed by the military, and most effectually. Being under the direction of the civil power, it such a force must be maintained, perhaps this is the best mode of employing it. The regularity and strictness of military discipline, form the French soldiers into excellent civil guards, and the end is so beneficial that the means may well be tolerated. The Gardes champetres are so watchful and alert, that they seem to possess a sort of ubiquity which is very effectual in preventing petty depre dations. Walking up a hill from Gorbeil, I strayed into a vineyard by the road side. The grapes were miserable; small as currants, and unripe. To plunder was the last thing I should have though of; however I picked a little bunch. As 1 came out of the vineyard, a stout young fellow,

Napoleon, When the Duke of Ragusa consented to betray Napoleon, he detached twenty thousand of these troops from his army; sending them quite out of the way; the affectionate devotion to the cause of their country, and the enthusiastic attachment to Napoleon of the whole of this veteran army, rendering even the remaining twenty thousand men a formidable corps. To these the Duke of Ragusa contrived to have THIRTY pound shot served out, although their largest guns carried only TWENTY pounlers; and so minutely did be enter into the details of treachery. that he caused SAND to be mixed with the powder

which was to be used by these brave fel-pendence of Europe may be possibly lows!!!The attempt made by the disturbed. Ministers, I have no doubt, Duke of Ragusa to vindicate his conduct ardently desire war. But war does not, towards Napoleon, obliges me, in com suit them just at present. They must mon justice, to refute all his laboured communicate with the Allies. Some of defence, by this plain statement them may have been offended at ConFACTS: for confirmation of the truck gress. They want also large subsidies. of which, I appeal to the survivors of the property tax, or something like it, all those brave soldiers, whom he THUS will be the next ministerial measure. left to be SLAUGHTERED!! I am, &c. And soon after war will be declared MIRATOR. against France. I hope I am mistaken, but a short time will determine.

Clifton, April 13, 1815.

THE ADDRESS.

Yours, &c. &c. G. G. F. London, April 12th, 1815,

LORD COCHRANE.

view in taking his seat in the House of Commons. Justice requires that this publication should be read, before any

one ventures to censure the conduct of

his Lordship. I have no room for more than the following extracts:

MR. COBBETT.-In the Regent's Message to Parliament, we are told, that the events which have recently occurred in France, threaten consequences highly His Lordship has addressed a Letter dangerous to the tranquillity and inde-To his Constituents," in which he fully pendence of Europe. Let us pause here for a moment, and consider whether explains his motives for leaving the King's or not this broad assertion be true.-Bo- | Bench prison, and the objects he had in naparte, we know, has declared his deter mination to rest on the Treaty of Paris; he has declared that he will not invade other countries, but only defend himself against foreign attack. In what then consists the danger to the tranquillity and independence of Europe? Why should not all Europe continue in the "I have heard much about the duty of present state of peace? France has, submitting to the laws, but not enough by a calm Revolution, changed her Ruler; Louis left the throne, and Napoleon to inspire me with reverence for iniquity took it; and it is clear that Napoleon is exercised under legal appearances. It is the choice and approbation of the French not by him who resists injustice commitPeople. Who dare dispute the right ted under the forms of law, but by him of the People to the choice of their who makes those forms the instruments Rulers? In what respect then does this and the cloke of injustice, that the laws simple, but wonderful change endanger the tranquillity of Europe? We are told are violated. I did not, however, quit that there is to be au augmentation of these walls to escape from personal ophis Majesty's land, and sea forces. For pression, but at the hazard of my life to what purpose is this augmentation? Will assert that right to liberty which as a not this augmentation of land and sea forces lead to an augmentation of land member of the community I have never and sea taxes? Is not the whole world forfeited, and that right which I received now in a state of Peace, and ought not from you, to attack in its very den, the every thing to return to a peace esta-corruption which threatens to annihilate blishment? Must we be for ever in the expensive attitude of war, because the tranquility of Europe may, some time or other, be disturbed? Who is to disturb it? At one time, the Emperor of Russia; at another time the King of Prussia; at another, Napoleon Bonaparte, or Louis the 18th, 19th, or 20th; may be said to endanger it. Aud so we are to be perpetually burdened with increasing Laxes, because the tranquillity and inde

the liberties of us all. I did not quit them to fly from the justice of my coun-. try, but to expose the wickedness, fraud, and hypocrisy of those who clude that justice by committing their enormities under the colour of its name. I did not quit them from the childish motive af impatience under suffering: I staid long enough here to evince that I could en:

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dure restraint as a pain, but not as a pe- been long most unjustly detained; but nalty. I staid long enough to be certain I judged it better to endeavour to that my persecutors were conscious of their injustice; and to feel that my submission to their unmerited inflictions was losing the dignity of resignation, and sinking into the ignominious endurance of an insult.

conceal my absence, and to defer my appearance in the House until the public agitation excited by the Corn Bill, should subside. And 4 have further to request that you will also communicate to the House that it is my intention on an early day to present myself for the purpose of taking my seat, and moving an faquiry into the conduct of Lord Ellenborough.-I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,

COCHRANE."

“Gentlemen: If the Right Honourable the Speaker had thought proper to comLetter to the lionse, as he afterwards ply with my request; if he had read my read that which he received from the Marshal of the King's Bench, relative to my apprehension; the scandalous reports which appeared in the hireling Journals, attributing my conduct to criminal or contemplative motives, could not have been invented or propagated.

"Gentlemen; if it had not beep for the commotion excited by that obnoxious, injurious, and arbitrary measure, the Corn Bill, which began to evince itself on the day of my departure from prison, (which was on the anniversary of my escape from similar oppression at Malta four years before,) I should have lost no time in proceeding to the House of Commons: but conjecturing that the spirit of disturbance might derive some encouragement from my unexpected appearance at that time, and having no inclination to promote tumult, I resolved to defer my appearance at that House, and, if possible, to conceal my departure from the Prison, until the order of the Metropolis should be restored. 1 bad, however, been out but "I did not go to the House of Coma few days when I received intimation mons to complain about losses or sufferthat a Committee of the House of Com-ings; about fine or imprisonment; or of mons appointed to enquire into the state of the Prison, had discovered that I was absent. Conceiving that they would communicate the circumstance, and anxious to obviate any false impressions as to my motives and intentions, I immediately addressed the following Letter to the Speaker, which I fully expected he would have read to the House:

London, March, 9, 1815.

"Sir: I respectfully request that you will state to the Honourable the House of Commons, that I should immediately and personally have communicated to them my departure from the custody of Lord Ellenborough, by whom I have

property to the amount of ten times the fine, of which I have been cheated by this malicious Prosecution, I did not go to the House to complain of the mockery of having been heard in my defence, and answered by a reference to that Decision from which that Defence was an Appeal. I did not go there to complain of those who expelled me from my Profession: for if I could have stooped to the Enemies of my Coun try at home, I might still have been instrumental in humbling its Enemies abroad, I did not go to the House to complain, generally, of the Advisers of the Crown: but I went there to complain of the conduct of him—

Printed and Published by G. Houston: No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed to the Auditor, are requested to be forwarded.

VOL. XXVII. No. 16.] LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 22, 1815. [Price 1s.

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TO THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. On the approaching War against France. The last war against France swelled the annual taxes on account of the National | Debt from 9 millions of pounds to 41 millions of pounds; it caused, besides this, 600 millions of pounds to be raised, during the war, in other taxes; it has reduced us to such a state, that, even in peace, loans were become necessary, besides taxes almost as heavy as in time of war. Such, in short, in a pecuniary view, were the effects of that war, that the government found it expedient to resort to a Corn-Bill, in order to raise and keep up the price of the first necessary of life, that the Owners and Tillers of the soil might be able to pay the taxes which that government wanted to pay the interest of the Debt and to maintain the military establishments.

These facts being undeniable, have we not reason to dread the consequences of another war against France? Ought we to run head-long into such a war? I have, in my four last Numbers, strenuously laboured to prevent this calamity; but, I now really begin to fear, that the wishes of the enemies of peace and freedom may finally prevail. The Income or Property Tax is again to be brought forward, and, if the news-papers be correct, on the same principle as before. The Alien Act is again to be proposed, if we are to rely upon the same sources of information. In short, if the accounts of proceedings in Parliament be true, we shall very soon be thrown back to the state of 1313 as to expence, and to 1793 as to principle of

action.

In my late Numbers I have, I think, very clearly shown, that, if we now make war upon France, it will be out of the power of any human being to dispute the fact; that the war, on our part, is a war of aggression, and of aggression, too, of the most odious and intolerable kind, seaing that even its openly professed object must be to force a government, or a chief, upon France. It is said: "No: we only

[482

"want to force the French to put down "their present chief." That is to say, we, modest people! do not wish, God forbid! to interfere in the internal affairs of France; we do not wish to force a chief upon her; but, she having a chief whom we do not like, we will make war upon her, until she put him away. That is all! Our modesty will not let us go an inch further.

In order that you may clearly see what is the light, in which the French government view the matter, I shall subjoin to this address the Official Documents published in France, relative to it. In these you will find the answer, which France gives to all her enemies. Here you will find a clear description of the grounds, on which she rests. The first document contains an answer to the charges against her and her chief; the second contains the reasons for her preparing for her defence. To these documents I have prefixed the memorable Declaration of the Allies, dated at Vienna on the 13th of March. This was the first stone hurled at the French nation. A careful perusal, and an occasional reference, to these Documents, will keep fresh in the memory of every man the REAL CAUSES of the war, if war should now take place.

The Borough-faction, who are now crying out for war through the columns of our vile news-papers, tell us, that we cannot live in safety, while Napoleon is at the head of the government of France. This has, under all changes, been their cry for the last 22 years. We could not live at peace with the National Assembly. We could have no peace and safety with the Convention. We could not have peace and safety with the Consuls. We could have no peace and safety with the Emperor before; no, nor can we have it with him now. The BOURBONS: these are the people, with whom alone our Borough-faction think they can enjoy peace. We must, therefore, depose Napo leon: yes, as we deposed Mr. MADISON! The peace of Europe and the world; and, especially our own safety, require, we are

Q