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provisions for life before the 1st of Janu- | the petition. They are publicly read;
53. The discussions on criminal trials shall be public.
54. Military offences alone shall be tried by military tribunals.
55. All other offences, even those committed by military men, are within the jurisdiction of civil tribunals.
56. All the crimes and offences which were appropriated for trial to the high Imperial Court, and of which this act does not reserve the trial to the Chamber of Peers, shall be brought before the ordinary tribunals.
57. The Emperor has the right of pardon, even in correctional cases, and of granting amnesties.
58. Interpretations of laws demanded by the Court of Cassation shall be given in the form of a law.
TITLE VI.-RIGHTS OF CITIZENS.
59 Frenchmen are equal in the eye of the law, whether for contribution to taxes and public burthens, or for admission to civil and military employments.
60. No one, under any pretext, can be withdrawn from the judges assigned to him by law.
61. No one can be prosecuted, arrested, detained, or exiled, but in cases provided for by law, and according to the prescribed forms.
62. Liberty of worship is guaranteed to
all. 63. All property possessed or acquired in virtue of the laws, and all debts of the state, are inviolable.
64. Every citizen has a right to print and publish his thoughts, on signing them, without any previous censorship, liable at the same time, after publication, to legal responsibility by trial by jury, even where there is ground only for the application of a constitutional penalty.
65. The right of petitioning is secured to all the citizens. Every petition is individual. Petitions may be addressed either to Government or to the two Chambers; nevertheless, even the latter must also be entitled "To the Emperor." They shall be presented to the Chambers under the guarantee of a member who recommends
and if the Chambers take them into consideration, they are laid before the Emperor by the President.
66. No fortress, no portion of territory, can be declared in a state of siege, but in case of invasion by a foreign force, or of civil broils. In the former case the declaration is made by an act of the Government. In the latter it can only be done by the law. However, should the two Chanibers not then be sitting, the act of the Goverment, declaring the state of siege, must be couverted into a plan of law within a fortnight after the meeting of the Chambers.
67. The French People moreover dcclare, that in the delegation which it has made and makes of its powers, it has not meant, and does not mean to give a right to propose the reinstatement of the Bourbons, or any Prince of that family on the throue, even in case of the extinction of the Imperial dynasty; nor the right of reestablishing either the ancient feudal nobility, or the feudal and seiguorial rights, or tithes, or any privileged or predominant religion; nor the power to alter the irrevocability of the sale of the national domains; it formally interdicts to the Government, the Chambers, and the Citizens, all propositions on that subject. Given at Paris, April 22, 1815. (Signed)
By the Emperor, The Minister Secretary of State, (Signed) The Duke of BASSANO.
Then follows a decree regulating the proportion of representatives for each department, who are in all to be 605.
Another decree appoints 23 Deputies to be nominated for all the arrondissements, from among merchants, ship owners, bankers, and manufacturers. They shall be chosen by the electoral colleges, out of lists presented by every department.
Then follows a decree for opening rcgisters in which the votes on the constitution are to be inscribed. They are to be open ten days. The act of the constitution is also to be sent to the army and navy. The assembly of the field of May, for examining the votes, &c. is appointed for the 26th May.
Printed and Published by G. HOUSTON, No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed to the Editor, are requested to be forwarded,
VOL. XXVII. No. 18.]
LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 6, 1815.
PEOPLE OF NOTTINGHAM, On the Motives and Prospects of the War. Amongst those towns of England which have shewn the best spirit, for many years past, as to political matters, Nottingham stands at least as forward as any, and, therefore, I address to you the observations, which, at this critical period, I think | it my duty to publish, on the Motives and Prospects of that War, which, perhaps, will be begun before this paper reaches the press.
The last war, which added 600 millions to the National Debt, and which produced so many and such great calamities, calamities not transient but durable; that war had for its pretexts, 1st, that the French had issued a Decree inviting all nations to rise against their governments, and 2nd, that they had opened the Navigation of the River Scheldt in Flanders. The futility of these pretexts have been a thousand times demonstrated. The real grounds of that war are now well known; but, at any rate, there is no such pretext for the present intended, or, threatened, war. The war-faction are now compelled to acknowledge, that France is confined within her ancient limits; that Napoleon has declared his adherence to the Treaty of Paris, dictated by us and our allies; that he has made overtures to all the Powers to preserve peace; that he has most explicitly pledged himself to the French people that he will enter on no war of aggression; that he has, in complaisance to us, abolished the Slave Trade, which we could not prevail on Louis to do; that he has agreed to the formation of a constitution which will necessarily tend to promote the peace and happiness of France. All this the war-faction acknowledge; none of this can they deny. What, then, is their pretext for going to war? What do they tell you, that they wish to see Europe once more bleeding for? Why, they say, that they cannot trust Napoleon; that he never has kept any treaty; that he will keep no treaty now; that he will sally forth as
soon as he is strong, and that, therefore, we ought to fall upon him and destroy him while he is weak.
Whether he be weak is a question on. which I will speak hereafter. At present let us inquire into the solidity of this opinion, that we cannot trust Napoleon, grounded as this opinion is on the assertion, that he is a notorious breaker of treaties.
Suppose this latter assertion to be true, is that a ground of war? When would wars cease, and with whom could we ever have treaties, if we were to act on such a rule? Did not Russia make a treaty with Napoleon at Tilsit, in which the former stipulated to adopt the Continental System, and in which she acknowledged Joseph King of Spain? And was it not the breach of this treaty, which led Napoleon into Russia? Did we not see Bavaria, Aus stria, and Prussia, all bound to Napoleon by treaty in a war against Russia; and did they not all of them actually desert him in the field and join his enemies? And, you will bear in mind, too, that he had repeatedly had the Sovereigns of these three countries at his feet, and had replaced them upon their thrones. dence, then, is it in the war-faction to call him a treaty-breaker, and to say, that we cannot trust him! How we have kept our treaties I shall not attempt to shew; nor, indeed, is it necessary. It is well known, that all those Powers, whom we now call our high allies, and on whose valour and fidelity we place so much reliance, have been our allies before; that they have quitted our alliance and joined France against us; that they have, in short, within the last 22 years, all been twice fighting with France against us, and more than twice fighting with us against France. These facts being notorious, what assurance must those persons have, who would persuade us, that we never can have peace with Napoleon; and that we ought to make war with him till he be destroyed, because he is a man, who does not keep treaties!
What, then, are the real Motives of the expected war? This is a matter of vast im-S
portance. It is of the greatest consequence that the people of such a place as Nottingham, or Coventry, or any other fine town of England, abounding in good sense, should clearly understand this question at the very out-set of the war; because, if they do not carry this knowledge along with them through the war, the effects of the war will not, in all likelihood, lead, at last, to a just and beneficial result.
keep on shedding human blood, lest peace should enable the English to go abroad in search of cheap living?
But, how comes this migration to have taken place now, more than in former times? You will bear in mind, my friends of Nottingham, that we did formerly live in peace with France for many years together; that we had treaties of friendship and of commerce with France; and that nobody used to be alarmed at the effects of any migration from England to France. How comes it, then, that France is now become so inviting to English people? What is the cause of so many thousands
their own country? You will bear in mind, my friends of Nottingham, that before the peace, we were told of nothing but the miseries which Napoleon had inflicted upon France. We were told, that he had drained the people of their all; that he had ruined the arts, manufactures, commerce, and agriculture; that he had taken away all the able men, and left the land to be ploughed and sowed by old men, women, and children. And yet, the moment the passage to France is free, thousands upon thousands of English people flock thither to live, while not a single French family came to live on their means in England. What, then, is the real fact? Why do so many go to live upon their fortunes in France? I will, in as few words as I can, explain this mystery.
Vihat, then, are the real Motives of the expected war? I am not in acquaintance with the Ministers; I know nobody who is. But, I hear many of the war-faction talk; and, with them, at least, the follow-flocking thither to live in preference to ing are the real Motives for going to war: They say, that the country is come to that pass, that it cannot now live in peace with its present system in existence. They say, that the last twelve months were far more distressing than any foregoing twelve months of war; that commerce was less productive; that trades of all sorts were worse; that houses and land became less valuable; that manufactures throve less; that journeymen and labourers s were starving, who, before, were doing passably well. They say, that more than 40,000 families, living upon their incomes, had migrated to various parts of the Continent, and especially to France; that these families draw out of England 15 or 20 millions sterling a year; that the rents of lands and the dividends from the Stocks were, in a great degree, spent in France instead of England, because in the former country one pound would go as far as three pounds in the latter country; that thus there was less demand for labourers, for corn, for cattle, for household goods, for all articles of dress, for carriages, than there was in time of war; that thus tradesmen, farmers, and manufacturers lost their customers, and that labourers and journey-single shilling for his three or four chil men lost their employment. They say, that houses fit for persons of fortune became worth little or nothing; and, that, near London, in particular, thousands of houses became tenantless on account of the peace, to the ruin of builders, and the starvation of journeymen.
The motive for going to live in France, is that people can live cheaper there. For instance, Mr. BULL has an income from the Stocks, or from his farms, which he lets, of 500 pounds a year. With this, if Mr. Bull lives in the country, he may, if Mrs. Bull manages well, keep one maidservant, and drink a pint of wine a day, without being able, however, to lay by a
dren. If Mr. Bull, or, rather Mrs. Bull, chooses to live in town, he must put up with part of a house; he must black his own shoes, and Mrs. Bull must cook her own mutton chop. Thus situated Mr. Bull reads in the newspaper that a bottle of wine in France costs six-pence, a turkey half a crown, a house and garden ten pounds a year, and so on. "Look here, my dear," says he to Mrs. Bull, "Why, we could live much more comfortably in France. We could keep a maid and "footman in France." 76 Aye," says
Now, I believe all this to be true; but, how, then, are we to go to war in order to make England as cheap a country as France? Or, are we always to have war to prevent these migrations to France?" Are we never to have peace; are we to
I am sure you all clearly understand this. You clearly see the reason for people migrating to France; you see how this migration throws others out of work, and how it lessens the number of persons who pay the taxes, and you see, that they would not migrate to France, if the means of living were not cheaper in France than in England. But, as I am not so sure, that you clearly perceive the cause of these low prices in France compared with the prices in England, I will explain that cause to you as briefly as I am able.
England. You see clearly why it is that people migrate to France; and, as this migration cannot take place in time of war, this is one of the reasons why the war-faction are so eager to push the country on into that state, without any consideration as to the consequence which that war may produce.
But, they have other reasons, one of which is of the same sort. They say, that France presents an enticing field for Ma
Mrs. Bull, and a carriage too, my "dear." "Yes," replies he, "and lay 16 by something too for the little Bulls. And, besides, we shall have no poor66 rates or tythes to pay." They soon get id of their odds and ends; off they go to France, leaving behind them an order to send them their income, and also leaving behind them their share of the poor-rates and other taxes to be paid by those who remain, and leaving their maid-servant, their taylor, shoe-maker, bricklayer, car-nufactures. They have seen how manupenter, butcher, baker, &c. to find, where factories have risen up in America. They they can, other customers to supply their have seen, that, in a very few years, the place. cotton and woollen manufactories of Ame. rica have so rapidly increased as almost to shut out those of England.-They know that this great change in the commercial affairs of the world has arisen from the migration of English manufacturers to America. They know, that as much food can be bought in France for a shilling as in England for two or three shillings; and, they say, that France being so near, it will be impossible, in time of peace, to prevent manufacturers and machine-makers from going to France. They say, that thus France, instead of England, will sup ply the rest of Europe with what are now called English manufactures. They say, that hundreds of manufacturers and artizans went over in the last year, even under the Bourbons, and that now, when they are sure to enjoy complete religious liberty, without any predominant church, the migration would be by thousands. Therefore, they wish for war, seeing that, during a war, no migration can take place. They know, that there are laws to prevent artizans and manufacturers from migrating to any country; but, they also know, that it is next to impossible to enforce those laws. They know that such laws only make the desire to migrate the more keen. They know, in short, that such laws are not more efficient than would be a law or proclamation to prevent birds from flying from one grove to another; and that nothing but a complete and forcible obstruction will answer the purpose.
All the necessaries of life are dearer in England than in France, because the Taxes are heavier in England than they are in France. For instance, suppose the government to take six-pence tax upon every pair of stockings, the maker must sell them six-pence a pair dearer than he did before. We pay twenty shillings a bushel for salt; but, if there were no tax upon salt, we should not pay above three or four shillings a bushel. The tax is, I believe, 16s. a bushel, and then there is the charge of the maker for the interest of the money advanced in the amount of the tax. For ale you pay at Nottingham, I suppose, 6d. a quart, Winchester measure. Malt, which now sells for 10s. a bushel, pays 4s. 6d. a bushel in tax. To this must be added the tax paid by the brewer on the Ale. To this also must be added the innumerable taxes paid by the farmer out of the price of his Barley. If you put all these together, you will see what it is that makes your Ale cost 6d. a quart. If one country pays upon every article twice as much in taxes as another country, it is very evident that living in the former must cost twice as much as it costs in the latter.
Now, then, you see clearly why things are cheaper in France than they are in
Another motive with the war-faction, and, perhaps, the most powerful of all, is, to prevent the people of England from witnessing the effects of a free government in France. In France Napoleon has agreed that the people shall be really represented in the Legislature; that no tax shall be imposed without the people's free
consent. In France there are no tythes. In France there is no predominant Church. The war-faction fear the effect of this example. They say, that this state of things has arisen out of a Democratic Revolution. They say, that for the people of England to have this continually before their eyes is very dangerous. They say, as the newspapers said, in the case of America, we ought to go to war; we ought to keep on war; we ought to have no peace; we ought to send Lord Wellington and all our army to fight and burn and destroy in America, until MR. MADISON be deposed; until this "mis"chievous example of the success of de"mocratical rebellion be annihilated." Until this was done, they said, that the world could have no real peace. Until this was done, they said, that no regular government was safe. Until this was done, they said, that the English government would remain in jeopardy every
This faction are dreadfully alarmed at the description which travellers give us of the happy state of France. While the war sted, the people gland were kept wholly in the dark as to this matter. You will bear in mind, my friends of Nottingham, what the war-faction told us upon this head. They told us, that all was misery in France; that the people were in: the last stage of wretchedness; that they were become very poor in consequence of the taxes imposed by Napoleon; that there was no able men left to till the land; that the people hated Napoleon, and only sought an opportunity to cast off his yoke; that, in short, the country was become a wilderness. Strange transition! They now want war to prevent the people of England from migrating to that wilderness! They now want war to prevent us from seeking happiness in climes of such misery! They want war to prevent Englishmen from being captivated with the effects of tyranny!
be reduced, in such a degree as to bring English prices and French prices nearer at any rate, to a level. And, if they were to enter upon this inquiry, they would soon discover, that so desirable an end is not to be advanced by war. It is, in fact, by war that our prices have been raised to such a height as to induce people to m grate: and, yet, strange infatuation! they would cure the evil by more war!
For twenty-two years previous to the late wars against France, the average price of the quartern loaf in Eugland was fivepence. During the twenty-two years from the commencement of that war to this time, the average price of the quartern loaf in England has been a little more than elevenpence. This has been occasioned by the augmentation of the taxes. The whole of the taxes, upon an average for years, twenty-two years before those wars, amounted to less than twenty millions a year. Since those wars began, they have, upon an average, amounted to more than forty millions a year. Thus, you see, that high prices arise from taxation, that taxation arises out of war; and, yet, in order to prevent us from migrating to France in search of low prices, this faction would have more war, whereby more taxes will be imposed and still higher prices occasioned.
But, not only has war made high prices up to this time: it will continue to make prices high in England for ages to come; because, besides the taxes which have been raised and expended on account of war, there have been loans made to the amount of 600 millions, the bare interest of which does, I believe, exceed the whole amount of all the taxes collected in France, upon almost three times the number of people. In short, such has been the effect of the late wars with us, that our peace taxes were to have been sixty millions a year, whereas our peace taxes, before the war against France, were sixteen millions a year. And yet this faction would make us believe, that, to render us happy and safe at home, it is necessary to have more war!
From what has been said, it is clear, I think, that the alarms of the war-faction arise, in a great degree, from the known cheapness of living in France compared If, unhappily, we are now to begin war with the price of living in England. It is again, the taxes must be not only as great, also, I think, clear, that the comparative but much greater, than they have been be high prices in England arise from our fore; because, though the expenditure heavy taxes. The way, then, for rational should not be greater on account of the war, men to go to work to prevent further mi-loans must still be made, and taxes must be gration, is, to inquire how our taxes may raised to pay the interest of them. The