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to a most happy conclusion, and when the great balance of Europe was about to be adjusted to the nicety of a hair; behold out crept the great Rat from his rock in the ocean, and twirling his tail about, it unluckily struck against one of the evenpoized scales of the great balance that hung over Europe; which scale then kicked the beam, and in a moment overturned the beautiful "order of things so "happily established for the tranquillity of

breaking the treaties they had sworn to
preserve with France? To wage war
against prospective ambition is proclaim-
ing interminable hostilities. All Sove-
reigns are more or less ambitious, and cir-
cumstances will ever occur to bring this
passion into action.-Bonaparte is not of
royal origin, and it appears that adversity
has taught him moderation. His enemies,
on the contrary, have profited nothing
from their former reverses; they have com-
pletely disappointed the raised expectations"nations."
of Europe; and viewed as the promoters
of assassination, have forfeited all claims
on the respect of their people. Let us, how-
ever, by all means dictate to the French
nation and appoint them a ruler, but at
the same time let us be prepared for a na-
tional Bankruptcy as the reward of our
interference. Yours, &c.

W. R. H.

And now, how shall I venture to describe the astonishment of the august assembly! It requires a master's hand, and the poet's fire. Each illustrious member of the grand council, with lightning in his eyes, reared up his angry tail in the affrighted air, and swore by all the gods at once, that he would never pare lis claws, nor ever shear his whiskers, until the best blood of the great Rat had copiously flowed, and he was for ever "in


capacitated from doing further mis"chief." Ever since this memorable event, loud cries, and tremendous catcalls, have been heard from the cold regions of the North to the warm shores of the Mediterranean. sult, let no one presume to imagine. It is sufficient for my ambition that I have lived to be the simple Historian of these extraordinary facts.-Yours, &c.

May 2, 1815.

What will be the re



THE CATS IN COUNCIL. MR. COBBETT, It happened once upon a time, that there lived in the French country, a great Rat, which soon became the terror of almost all the world. Whereupon all the Tom Cats of Europe met together in grand council, and resolved, to spend their last drop of blood in a war against the great Rat of France. It so fell out, however, that the great Rat was too powerful for the Allied Powers, during several years, till at length the great Rat himself, having been burnt out of his hole in the city of Moscow, was conquered in his turn, and condemned to become an MR. COBBETT,-As you are sometimes exile in the Island of Elba. The High very minute in your observations, you will Allied Cats now mewed most gloriously, not (I hope) be offended with me for the and resolved once again to assemble, in remark I have to make on the debate of order, for the last time, to settle the affairs Monday. An Honourable Member is reof Europe, and to restore liberty and ported to have broken out into a very sehappiness to a long-afflicted world. All vere censure upon the charge for cats the Mice in Europe were to be divided in the Navy estimates, deeming it " into exact numbers, and the extent of ter-"strous extravagance."--Now if a man ritories was to be marked out by pencil out of the Honourable House may be and compasses. The like to this never allowed to pass his opinion upon this before entered into the imagination even article, I for one, do not think it a of man! So much wisdom and justice were monstrous charge by any means; very never before exhibited! One would have much the contrary, for I know that thought it was an assembly of Gods! the rats are very plenty in some of the Each of their High Mightinesses moved Dock-yards. I hope no one will be of forth in a most pathetic manner, how much fended with me for saying so, because it is he had at heart whatever tended to the the truth; and if two guineas' worth of public weal! But, alas! how soon the Cats will be a means of clearing them, I glory of this world fadeth away! Sad to am sure the public need not grumble at the relate, when all things were nearly brought expense. Bu the Honourable Secretary


of the Admiralty is reported to have explained the matter very intelligibly, so as to shut out all further difficulty upon it : he informed us that the Cats were in one yard, the Rats in another.-Your papers, Sir, are so full of importance, that I am thankful to you for the least possible space to promulgate my opinions; but I hope you will indulge me with one other remark. -I observe you frequently calling the warfaction prints, especially the Times, to account for their most immoderate abuse of the present Ruler of France as they style him, and I must allow that their abuse is most low, disgusting, and disgraceful to the country by which they are permitted, or perhaps prompted, to deal it out. You call them the miscreant hirelings of the press. Now, whether they are really so or not, I do not take upon me to say; but this I am sure of, that if they were hired by the Emperor himself, they could not take more effectual means to unite and support his influence over the whole people of France; and the strong hold these hirelings have given him, is to him worth any premium he could bestow upon them.If the war, which they so strenuously call for, should take place, they have fortified him, beyond all other possible means, to withstand it. From what motives they do all this, I shall not inquire, but I am positive as to the effect.-Yours truly, May 1, 1815.



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"'Tis done! but yesterday a King;" To-day, from power hurl'd ;


For He-that abject, nameless thing,"
His standard has unfurl'd.
Through Gallia's land, triumphant mov'd,
By Gallia's warlike sons belov'd;

And to th' astonish'd world,
Had this important truth made known,
Nought but the People's love secures a Monarch's

And seek'st thou, Louis, to regain
By force, thy fallen power;
Couldst thou, by foreign arms, maintain

The throne secure, an hour?
Hadst thou on Freedom's friends relied,
The storm thou might'st have then defied,
In safety, seen it lower;

Vide Lord Byron's Ode to Napoléon.

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The petition of this numerous and respectable body against the threatened war with France, was read at length in the House of Commons on the night of its rejection; but I do not find that it has been published in any of our newspapers. I observe that the Courier did not even publish the resolutions passed at the Common Hall, though all the other hireling papers did. Is this to be held a proof of the superiority of our liberty of the press over that of France, of which the Courier is constantly vaunting? Is it in suppressing the reasons against the war, and in publishing those for the war, that this boasted liberty consists? The Editor of the Moniteur has given notice, that he will publish every declaration of foreign powers, however hostile to France, or to the Emperor, whenever they please to transmit them. This looks something like liberty of the press: but with our base and corrupted newspapers, nothing must be admitted into their columns that savours in the least of censure of public measures; while a place is always readily given to every thing, no matter how false and contemptible, that may any way detract from the character of the people and govern


ment of France. Whenever an exception | was, that all interference with the domesfrom this rule occurs, it is interest alone tic affairs of any other country ought to that causes the insertion. The suppression be disclaimed, because it was on that prinof the Petition of the Livery of London, is ciple the British Constitution, proceeding not, however, in the present case, so much from the glorious revolution, was establishto be regretted, because in the resolutions ed. Mr. Waithman then adverted to the of the Common Hall we have essentially treaty of Vienna, and expressed his conthe substance of what it may be supposed cern on finding the name of a British Mito have been. These resolutions I have nister affixed to it-all interference with given below; with a report of the speeches, the affairs of France could not be too which I have taken from the Morning much deprecated. When this country Ilerald; not because I consider this the thought proper to drive King James from best report that might have been given; the throne, and to establish the present but because it is the fullest of any that has family, what would Englishmen have said appeared. I have likewise subjoined a had foreign nations interfered? The prelist of the minorities in the House of Com- sent family was established by the revomons who voted for receiving the Petition, lution, and what foreigner dared interfere and also in support of Mr. Whitbread's with our form of government. It was motion for peace with Napoleon, Of all curious to see among the Powers sígning the critical periods during the two and the treaty, the Ministers of Austria, Spain, twenty years' struggle with France, none Portugal, Denmark, and Sweden. Some of them was so pregnant with consequences of these had not only restored the Inquiso favourable, or so prejudicial, to the sition, but had sanctioned the separation of cause of general freedom, as the period in Norway from Denmark, Genoa from its which we now live. It is of the utmost ancient constitution, and Saxony from its consequence, therefore, that those who legitimate monarch. Such persons were have hitherto borne the weight of carrying unfit to reform other States; they wanted on the war, and must again bear the burden reformation at home. Mr. Waithman re of the new contest, should not only have minded the Livery that they had petitiontheir eyes opened to the true state of mat- ed against the Property Tax and the Corn ters, but that they should be acquainted Bill; and though their prayers had not with the names of those Members of Par- been heard, it was most essential they liament, who have endeavoured to stem should petition Parliament against the war. the torrent which threatens to overwhelm He condemned the conduct of the Allies Europe. in putting Bonaparte out of the pale of The Common Hall was held on Thurs- the law. They had no right, he said, to day the 27th ult. The Lord Mayor, after proscribe any individual; such a power the requisition had been read, addressed belonged only to the Supreme Being. the Livery, and intimated, that as far as [Here a most violent clamour ensued; a his authority would go, he should endea- great number of persons hissed and invour to procure each speaker silence and terrupted Mr. Waithman, exclaiming— orderly attention. Mr. Waithman then Off, off! No friends of Bonaparte! &c.] stood forward, and said, he had never ap- The Lord Mayor then came forward, and peared before the Livery on a more impor- silence being obtained, said the Livery tant subject than that he had to propose would recollect that he was sworn to preto them. He did not appear for the pur- serve the peace and public tranquillity, pose of discussing any particular form of and he was determined to maintain it. As government, or the rights of individuals, the meeting had been called for a quiet but it was to recognize the great basis of discussion of the subject, they would the Constitution. Twenty years ago, he doubtless give the Speakers on both sides said, he addressed them on the same ques- the question an equal chance of being tion, namely, on the principle of engaging heard. If they did not observe order he in war without just cause of war. What should be under the necessity of putting ever might be said in other quarters, he an end to the Common Hall. Mr. Waithcould venture to say, the citizens of Lon-man then resumed his arguments against don did not see the cause of war. The the war, and having condemned the reprinciple he should endeavour to inculcate newal of the Property Tax, and all the

war arrangements, concluded amidst loud uproar and interruption, by moving the following resolutions, which embodied nearly the whole of his speech.

Resolved, That this Common Hall, having re cently witnessed the marked disregard shewn to the Petitions from this city, and those of the nation at large, are the more strongly confirmed in the conviction of the corrupt state of the representation, and the total want of sympathy in opinion and feeling between the House of Commons and the people.

That these considerations would, under circum stances of less importance, have deterred us from the exercise of a right which appears to have been rendered nugatory; but hopeless as we fear it is again to address that Hon. House, yet, at a crisis so momentous—when a determination appears to have been so strongly manifested by the Ministers of the Crown again to plunge this devoted country into the horrors of war-we feel it to be an imperious duty to our country, ourselves, and posterity, to use every constitutional means towards averting from the nation the overwhelming calamities with which it is menaced.

to interfere in our internal concerns, we cannot but consider any attempt to dictate to France, or to any other country, the form or mode of its Government--the person who shall or shall not be at the head of such Government, or in any way to interfere in its internal policy and regulations, as highly impolitic, and manifestly unjust, and deprecate all attempts to involve this country in a war for such an object-a war against those principles, which this uation has ever maintained and acted upon.

Torn by the miseries and calamities of the late devastating war; still tasting the bitter fruits of that protracted conflict; and no means having been adopted to lessen our national burthens, by those necessary retrenchments in the national expenditure so earnestly and so repeatedly called for by the people; but, on the contrary, an Act has been passed, restricting the importation of corn, by which a tax is virtually imposed of several millions per annum upon food, and entailing upon us in times of peace one of the greatest evils produced by the war. Before, therefore, we are plunged into another war, and in support of such principles, we might ask what has been gained by the immense sacrifices we have already made? and, contemplating the disastrous consequences of a failure in this new contest, the people have a right to demand wirat advantages are proposed even in the event of its saccess, or at least to be satisfied that hostilities are unavoidable, and that every means of fair and honourable negociation have been exerted, and had proved ineffectual.

That the Livery of London have seen, with feelings of abhorrence, the Declarations and Trea ties of the Allied Powers, and to which are af fixed the names of British Ministers, wherein are avowed and promulgated the monstrous and unheard-of principles, that the breach of a Convention by a Sovereign "destroys the only legal "title on which his existence depended-places That to enter into such a contest in the present "him without the pale of civil and social relations state of the country, with all our national funds “—reuders him liable to public vengeance" and mortgaged to their utmost bearing, and that withthat, consequently, "there can be neither peace out an effort at negociation: or to refuse to connor truce with him ;”—principles revolting to the clude a treaty with any power, under the prefeelings of civilized society-repugnant to the sumption that such treaty may, at some remote rights, liberties, and security of all States-and period, be broken, appears to us an act of insaevincing a combination, or rather a conspiracy,nity-putting to hazard not only the property and which, if once sanctioned, would lead to couse-happiness of families, but the very existence of quences the most dreadful and alarming, and for the British Empire, and tending to exclude for which there is no parallel in the history of the ever from the world the blessings of peace. world.

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That, recollecting the noble struggles which our ancestors have made for re-establishing and preserving their liberties-recollecting the frequent reformations they have made in the Government that they have always maintained and exercised this right-and that the august family now upon the throne, derived the right to the Crown, not by hereditary claims, but upon the legitimate foundation of all authority, the choice of the people—and indignantly disclaiming, as our ancestors have done, all right in Foreign Powers

Were the impolicy of a new war upon such principles, and under such circumstances, at all doubtful, or were Government at all to be benefited by the result of experience, we need but recal to recollection the memorable Manifesto of

the Duke of Brunswick at the commencement of the late contest-a Manifesto which had the effect of arousing and uniting all the energies of the French nation, and gave that victorious impulse to her arms which endangered the liberties of Europe; we need but call to recollection, that during the progress of that war, notwithstanding

the immense sacrifices of British blood, and wanton waste of British treasure, lavished in subsidizing Allies to fight in their own cause, we have not unfrequently seen those powers, who entered into the contest in alliance with this country, abandon that alliance, and joined in league with France, endeavouring to exclude us from the Continent of Europe.

That, after all our sacrifices, and all our exertions, in the common cause, we failed to procure from one Sovereign that tribute to Humanity the Abolition of the Slave Trade; and beheld another Monarch commence his career by re-establishing the Inquisition, persecuting the best patriots of the country, and even prohibiting the introduction of British manufactures into his dominions.

That the Livery of London have ever been, and now are, ready to support the honour, the character, and the interests of the British Empire, and to resist every act of aggression; but, seeing all the consequences of the late war, looking at the depressed state of the country, the burthens and privations of the people, the financial difficulties, the uncertainty and hazards of war, seeing likewise that France has disclaimed all intention of interfering in the concerns of other nations, that she has declared her determination to adhere to the Treaty of Paris, that she has made pacific overtures to the different Allied Powers, has already abolished the Slave Trade, and given other indications of returning to principles of equity and moderation; and holding, as we do, all wars to be unjust, unless the injury sustained is clearly defined, and redress by negociation cannot be obtained; and more particularly holding in abhorrence all attempts to dictate to, or interfere with, other nations in their internal concerns, we can not but protest against the renewal of hostilities, as neither founded in justice nor necessity.

That it is with feelings of indignation we perceive his Majesty's Ministers have proposed the renewal of that most galling, oppressive, and hateful Inquisition, the Tax upon Income, an Inquisition which had, in consequence of the universal execration it excited, been recently and reluctantly abandoned, and which we had hoped could never have been again renewed, at least during the existence of that generation who remembered its oppressions.

That a Petition be presented to the House of Commons, praying them to interpose their authority to stop a weak, rash, and infatuated Administration in their mad and frightful career, and to adopt such measures as may best preserve the peace and promote the prosperity of

the nation.

Resolved--That the said Petition be fairly transcribed, and signed, by the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor, two Aldermen, and twelve Liverymen, and presented to the Honourable House of Commons, by the Representatives of this City in Parliament.

Resolved Unanimously-That the thanks of this Meeting be given to the Right Hon, the Lord Mayor, for his readiness in calling this Comnien Hall, and for his strict impartiality in presiding over the debates of this day.

Resolved-That the thanks of this Common Hall be given to Mr. Robert Waithman and Mr. Samuel Favel, for their zeal and ability shewn upon all occasions conducive to the public welfare, and so conspicuously manifested this day.

Mr. Favel condemned the Declaration of the Allies, the Property Tax, the Corn Bill, and the policy on which the war was to be renewed.—Mr. Perring professed himself unable to comprehend the nature of resolutions which seemed to him to wander far from the object in view; the language, however, of the requisition was intelligible, and to that he would confine himself. If he understood the question, it was to decide whether the country should or not, under the present circumstances, enter on a war against the Government of France. He was not prepared to afford any sanction to such a war. Although he cordially agreed with a Right Hon. Gentleman, whom he consi|dered not only the most eloquent, but one of the soundest statesmen (Mr. Plunkett,) that we should be justified in such a war so far as the right went; it by no means followed that it would be expedient to exercise such a right. He entertained great doubts of such expediency. He distrusted the elements of which the proposed alliance was composed :-let it not be imagined, that although it consisted of the same nations, that only twelve months since drove France within nearly her ancient limits, it was therefore formed of the same materials; he feared that the Congress at Vienna had effected a lamentable change in its composition (applause). The league against France had been irresistible, because the people felt the cause their own, and every heart beat in unison with the Government. Would the people of this country feel that they had now such an interest in the contest, as to induce them to submit with chearfulness to the sacrifices it would require? That our

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