66 P. S. Since writing the above, I have (22d May) received, from some friend in Philadelphia, a small file of Auroras, containing the "EXPOSITION of the as the foundation of a rational hope, that | power is, from the causes above stated, of the day is not distant, when tyranny, comparatively little service.--I take this wherever it may exist, will fall beneath opportunity of expressing my best thanks those powers. Letter VI. to the Earl of to MR. MATHEW CAREY, of Philadelphia, Liverpool, I wrote, I remember, in a room for a very excellent pamphlet, which he in a farm-house, one morning when I was has had the goodness to send me, entitled, detained by rain. I might have thought" A Calm Address to the People of the it; but, certainly I had not then the most "Eastern States, on the Subject of the distant idea, that what I was then writing," Representation of Slaves; the Reprewould so quickly come back to me, in "sentation in the Senate; and the Hostianother print, after having been read on lity to Commerce, ascribed to the the banks of the Ohio and those of the Southern States."-I should be obliged Mississippi. This single fact; the sight of to some one to send me any work, or only one such print, is to me more than a works, giving an account of the Expences compensation for all that I have suffered in of the Government, and State Governthe cause of Truth and Freedom. But, it ments of America; also of her shipping, is of far greater importance as a stimulant commerce, debts, taxes, &c. &c. And, if to future exertion, and as suggesting addi- Mr. CAREY, or some other person equally tional care in planning and executing. capable, would spend a few hours in giving But, why should not the friends of Free-me an account of the prices of provisions dom co-operate? We see how firmly and labour, I should deem it a particular bound together its enemies are; how they, favour. These may have changed since I for the furtherance of their grand object, left America. WM. COBBETT. mutually sacrifice all their prejudices and even their petty conflicting interests. You have heard the Saints of Hertford rejoice at the restoration of the Pope. The Holy Father has embraced the Dey of Algiers, who calls him a Christian Dog.-Why should not we aid each other? You are better off than we are. You have free presses in every sea-port; your sea-ports are numerous; your masters of vessels have a direct communication with you; you can easily come at all that we publish. While your continent, and all its presses and literary productions, are shut from us by hundreds of obstacles of which you have no idea, our enemies have their regular correspondences, their communications always open; they know here all that is passing in your country; while we are wholly in the dark; while we are deprived of the use of all those powerful weapons, which your unrestrained press would put into our hands.-I hope that these considerations will be sufficient to induce some one of you, at least, to forward to me, in the manner above pointed out, such papers and other publications, as are likely to be of benefit to the cause of Truth and Freedom, and of which you can want no assurance of my will, at any rate, to make the best possible use.America now begins to make a great figure in the world; but, her example, which, if made universally known, would be of more weight than her military or naval If our CAUSES and CHARACTER of the War." This paper, it appears, is offcial, and was ready for official promulgation, just at the time when the news of the Peace arrived. I never read so able à paper; never one calculated to produce so great an impression. It is an invaluable document for history; a noble monument of the power of the human mind. government have received this paper, and if they will but read it carefully, they will, I am sure, clearly see, that any attempt either to delude, subdue, or check the rise of America, must fail of success.The paper would fill about four whole Registers, perhaps. But, though I cannot insert it; it will be of great use to me; and I beg the sender to accept of my best thanks. LETTER III. TO LORD CASTLEREAGH. On the hope of success, in a War against France, which hope is founded on the discontents said to exist in that country. MY LORD, I learn, through the TIMES newspaper, that these letters of mine, addressed to you, are regularly re-published in France; so that we are in a fair way of descending to posterity together; a consideration which cannot, of course, fail to encourage me in a continuance of the correspondence. The TIMES recommends to you and your colleagues to put a stop, by the strong hand of power, to writings like mine, in order to prevent their being transfused into the French language; and, it does this in the same breath, in which it calls upon this burdened nation to make war upon France, because (as it falsely asserts) she has a tyrant at the head of her government. Such are the writers, who call for war against the French people: such, if you plunge us into war, will be your friends and supporters. I have been told, that, amongst other means, that have been made use of to impede the circulation of the Register, it has been forbidden to be taken in at Army Mess-Rooms and in Ward-Rooms on board of Ships of War. I have never complained of this. But, my Lord, it is very hard, if I am to be permitted to have readers neither abroad nor at home. And, what a cause must that be, which thus wishes to silence by the strong hand of power, all its opponents! tile to Mr. Madison; that commotions were actually in existence; that the States were upon the eve of dividing; that the President was about to be impeached; and, that we ought not to make peace, till he was deposed and punished. They now tell us of divisions and commotions in France. This is now the lure to entice us into an approbation of war. And, my Lord, to what do these commotions amount? That there are discontented persons in France; that the Bourbons have partisans amongst ex-nobles and ex-priests, who had begun again to scent the sweets of feudal and ecclesiastical tyranny, is so natural, that it would be miraculous indeed, if there were not troubles in the interior of France. But to what do they amount? We hear of breaches of the peace; we hear of political squabbling; we hear of angry and violent disputes; but where, since the surrender of the Duke of Angouleme, do we hear of any thing like a powerful opposition to the present order of things? We are told, by the TIMES newspaper, that, in one particular instance, cannon has been brought to defend the barracks against the people. But the subject on which I am now about to address your Lordship, is of a But, my Lord, the very same papers more serious nature. The partisans of are compelled to confess, that some of the war, always blind to the past, appear to Belgian troops have been actually killed, be very busily engaged, at this time, in and others wounded in an effort to go over providing for themselves, in advance, every to the French; that, at Liege, some of species of disappointment and mortifica- the Saxon (now Prussian) soldiers have tion. They have, as in the case of Ame- mutinied, refused to march, and have even rica, spoken with so much confidence of attempted acts of violence on the "dear success; with so much contempt of the old Blucher," whose whiskers the nasty adversary; and with so much insolence wretches in London, calling themselves have they treated him and the whole of the "Ladies," were beastly enough to slobFrench nation, that, were they not noto-ber. Nay, we are told, and that, too, in a riously dead to all sense of shame, they must, in case of failure, commit upon themselves that act, which they would richly merit from the hands of a personage who is about upon their own level in point of occupation. They have now started new game; they have now discovered new ground of hope. They now tell us that France is in a state of commotion, and almost of rebellion, against Napoleon; and, that when once the allied armies begin to move into France, the whole nation will de clare for the King. My Lord, you know this to be false; but, s no more than merely the second chapter of the delusions practised with regard to America. These same writers told us, that the people of America were hos proclamation under his own hand, that "he has escaped assassination." We read, in proclamations of the King of Prussia, that to speak in favour of Napoleon is to be punished with the utmost severity. And yet, we are not to be permitted to doubt, that all the nations on the Continent are very hearty in the cause against France; while the most insignificant riot in France we are to look upon as the certain sign of national hostility to the present government. If, my Lord, the same criterion were applied to ourselves, what should we say? We have seen, and, I believe, we now see, more than one county in Ireland proclaimed to be in a state of disturbance; we saw, not long ago, counties in England 1 What reason have we, then, to suppose that he is not liked by the people of France? How came he at Paris? What but the good wishes, the anxious desires, of the people, took him thither ? What! are we to be made believe, that he, who went, not only without an army, but almost without companions of any sort, 500 miles through cities and towns fortified, and arrived in the capital without having seen a single hand raised against him; are we to believe, that he is now we to believe, that Louis, who found not a single man to defend his throne; whose departure was as quiet as if he had been a traveller, lodged at an hotel; who, with all the armies, all the civil authorities, all the treasures of the country, at his command, could not, though he offered immense rewards, obtain the support of any dozen of persons: are we to believe, that the whole of the French nation are now for this king? in a similar state; we have, within these few years, seen a Prime Minister shot in the lobby of the House of Commons, and we saw great numbers of troops brought to London and stationed at no great distance from the place of Mr. Bellingham's execution. The newspapers informed us, that, in the disturbed counties in England, the Judges were guarded by troops of the line. Mr. Bankes is reported, in our newspapers, to have said, not long since, in the House of Commons, that the military were sometimes called in to assist in col-hated by the people of France? And, are lecting the taxes in your country, Ireland. The newspapers have recently told us of two instances, at Norwich and at Lynn, in England, where the German troops were employed to keep the people from committing violences. And, how long, how many weeks is it since troops of the line were brought to prevent your own house from being demolished, as those of the Lord Chancellor and the Chief Judge's had been? Nay, were not troops of the line brought to defend the Parliament We are told, that the measures of police, House and its Members against the peo- which have been adopted in France, prove ple; and that, too, only about nine weeks, that Napoleon and his government feel or ten weeks ago? Is there any thing themselves in danger. But, my Lord, let going on in France equal to these occur. us bear in mind, that, during the war rences? And, yet, does any one pretend, against the French Republic, the Habeas that this government is, or has been, likely Corpus Act was suspended in England for to be overthrown? It is said, from the seven years, and that the King and council German papers, that Napoleon takes pre-imprisoned, without trial, for any length cautions against ussassination; and, sure- of time, any man whom they thought it ly, my Lord, after all that has been pro-right to imprison; and, that, in Ireland, mulgated, and even attempted, such pre-martial law was in existence at several cautions cannot be thought wholly un-periods, and for a great length of time. necessary. But, does this argue, that the Yet, did any one ever presume to say, nation hate him? Our gracious and be- that the King and his government were loved King went to the Parliament House, hated by the nation? and to the Play, of late years, in a bulletproof coach; but, did that fact argue, that he was hated by his people? We are told also to look at the French funds, and to conclude from their price, that the nation are disaffected towards the government. I have shewn; I have Every trifle, the words, or pretended words, of any individual, hostile to Napo-proved, in my last number, that the French leon, is greedily caught at and carefully funds are very nearly as high in price as retailed out, by the writers in London. ours are. I have demonstrated this: but, If the press of Paris were to pursue this is there no other cause for low price of mode with regard to our government, public funds in France besides that of the what would it make of the pithy precepts disaffection of the people? The wonder and sentiments, written on the walls in and is, that when a million of men are preabout London, where any one may ea- paring to invade France, the funds sell sily find words in praise of Napoleon, for any thing at all. Their being at 60, but I will not say what is to be found under such circumstances, proves the great with regard to others. Why, if the walls confidence of the nation. If we were upon of Paris were written over in such a way the point of being actually invaded; if as to Napoleon and his government, we we saw only 100 thousand men on board should be told hourly to expect to hear of of boats in Bologne harbour ready to sail is total destruction. for England, and had no defence but a land defence, what price do you think our funds | has been called, except in the town of Plywould be at? Yet, the French see many mouth, whose address for war is consihundreds of thousands of men armed dered in the same light as the prostestant against them; they know that they have Fishermen of Newfoundland giving “the to depend only on their arms for defence; Pope" as a standing toast. The truth is, they have no sea to protect them; they that, from one end of the country to the know that their country is liable to be other, the feeling of the people is against invaded every hour: still their funds war. There is not one man, or woman, are nearly at as good a price as ours. out of ten, who dees not condemn the What reason, therefore, have We to presumptuous notice of making war upon conclude from the price of the funds, France to compel her to change her Chief that the French nation are disaffected Magistrate. The case is so plain, that all towards their government But sup- men understand it. They all say, that pose the funds were to experience in we have no business to intermeddle. The France a greater fall. What have we question admits of no disguise. For this seen in England? Why, we saw the time even the craft of the prostituted. Bank stop payment in 1797, not upon an newspapers cannot succeed in deceiving actual invasion by an army, but merely the people. Therefore, if you still resolve upon the report of an invasion being in- | to enter upon this war, you find no voluntended, though we had the whole country tary contributions; you will find very litarmed, and though we had a fleet to de- tle zeal on the part of the mass of the fend us of more than 500 ships of war! It people; and, if events should compel you was then that the Bank obtained an act of to make peace, you will find yourselves parliament to enable it to refuse to pay its in such a situation as no English Ministry own notes in money. From that time it has were ever before in. You will then feel not paid in money, except in a trifling the real effect of that system of politics degree. Since that, laws have been passed begun by Pitt, which system has been to make Bank notes a legal tender, and to pursued from 1792 'till the present hour. prohibit the sale of guineas. Yet, no one I am, &c. &c. WM. COBBETT. has presumed to say that the nation hated Botley, 23d May, 1815. the king, aud that the people would not fight to defend the country against foreign invasion. Why, therefore, are we to conclude that the French nation hate Na poleon, because the French funds are at a low price? I think it is clear, then, that we have no good reason to rely for assistance in war, if war should be finally resolved on, on the dislike of the people of France to their government. We must rely, I think solely upon the force of our arms and those of our Allies; and, if all the people of France are heartily opposed to us, what prospect have we of ultimate success? On the other hand, how do the people of England feel as to this expected war? There have been petitions, or remonstrances, against it in London, Westminster, Nottingham, and others are preparing. But, where have we seen a meeting to approve of the war? For the war of 1793 there were Meetings in abundance. Not one in favour of this war. It is not to be doubted, that the Noblesse and the Clergy and other persons would call Meetings in favour of war, if the public feeling was at all for war. Yet not one such Meeting TO SIR FRANCIS BURDETT, BART. On the Pitt System of war against France. Botley, 24th May, 1815. SIR, Your speech, delivered at the Westminister Meeting, last week, has led to a train of reflections in my mind, which I cannot refrain from laying before the public, and, in order that they may have a better chance of possessing some little merit in the eyes of my readers, I address them immediately to you. From the out-set of the wars against the Republic of France, you contended, that the result would be injurious to England. I will, for the present, leave aside the real motives of the wars, and will merely consider their effects, as they have hitherto developed themselves. You contended, that we ought to have left the French nation to itself; that, justice and morality and freedom out of the question, the English nation would, in the end, greatly suffer in consequence of war against France. That, therefore, wisdom, The war began. France, instead of being conquered, became a conqueror. France, in the year 1797, had got rid of almost the whole of her debt, and her currency was gold, while, in that same year, the Bank of England obtained an Act of Parliament to enable it to refuse to pay its bills in money. Still the war raged, till, at last, in 1814, we saw the Bourbons actually replaced upon the throne of France. The sound policy, bade our government remain | land could not be reduced without leaving at peace. The politics of PITT first, and the government to make loans in time of afterwards of LORDSGRENVILLE and GREY, peace. The war had, to outward appear of PERCIVAL and LORD CASTLEREAGH, ance, been crowned with_success. were directly opposed to yours. They Bourbons, the Pope, the Inquisition had were for war, and (leaving justice out of been restored, and "French principles" the question), they said it was necessary, had been extinguished. But, in the obin order to prevent the contagion of French taining of this success, the nation had inprinciples. They said, that they were aware curred an additional debt, the interest of that great sacrifices would be necessary; which demanded 31 millions of pounds but, that it was better to sacrifice a part sterling to be raised in taxes every year than the whole of our property and our for ever, which, with the 9 millions of religion into the bargain. They asserted, taxes annually required before 1793, made that France was in the gulph of bank- 40 millions a year for ever to be raised in ruptcy; and, that if we expended much, taxes. It was soon discovered, that the she would be totally ruined. reward which long perseverance in the war was to receive, was never to be received. The nation, no longer amused and buoyed up by the events of war, and the hopes of its final success, began to cry out for relief from its burdens. Those who were able to escape from their share of these burdens, sought relief by going to live in France. The land became unable to pay the taxes, necessary to discharge the interest of the debt and to keep up the army, navy, and other establishThis was the day of triumph with the ments. A law was passed to keep out system of Pitt! Now it was, that you French produce, in order to enable the were tauntingly reminded of your long op- land in England to pay its taxes. position to the war. Now it was, that people cried aloud against such a measure, you were called upon to confess your at a moment when they expected cheaperror, and to go and perform an act of ness to return, and when trade, commerce, penitence at the foot of the statue of Pitt." and manufactures were visibly on the deYou were better employed. You were cline. A shock was felt from one end of fox-hunting, I believe. In the mean the kingdom to the other. All was now while the nation was drunk with joy. manifestly out of joint; and the governBonfires, bell-ringing, roasting oxen, il- ment appeared to be more embarrassed Juminations, sham-fights, temples of vic- than at any period of the war, not excepttory, triumphal arches. The country re-ing even that when the Bank stopped paysounded with the boast of our having ing its notes in money. gloriously triumphed at last; of our long perseverance having been rewarded by a glorious result. 66 But, it did not require the return of Napoleon to make the nation feel, that all this boasting was without reason, and that, while the recent events had afforded ground for transient exultation, the perseverance in the war had loaded us with lasting calamities. It did not require the return of Napoleon to convince us of this. The people had been buoyed up with the hope, that PEACE would bring them ease from the burdens which they had so long been compelled to bear. But, they soon discovered, that, even with the Bourbons on the throne of France, the taxes in Eng The This was the situation of England when Napoleon returned to France. Therefore, in estimating the Pitt system, I have no need, unless I choose, to take into view this wonderful event; for, it seems to me, that that system would have produced all the evils that you foreboded, if this event had never taken place. This system had, indeed, replaced the Bourbons on the throne, contrary to your expectations and your hopes; but, it had, in doing that, destroyed the prosperity and happiness of England. It had, it was supposed, extinguished "French principles;” but, in order to do that, it had made paupers of, perhaps, a million of our people; and it had laid its hands on a great part of the |