« ПредыдущаяПродолжить »
country and of this throne!
You swearing near 50,000 men, including 27,000 National Guards, then defiled before his Majesty amidst the cries of Vive l'Empereur! and the acclamations of an immense multitude, covering the Champ de Mars and extending to the Seine. His Majesty then entered the military School through a crowd, which with difficulty opened to afford him a passage, and finally returned in his carriage to the Thuilleries, in the same order of procession as he ar rived in the Champ de Mars.
Cries, universally prolonged, of We swear, resounded throughout the AssemAmidst these acclamations, and surrounded by the Eagles of all the armed corps of France, the Emperor proceeded to place himself on the throne erected in the middle of the Champ de Mars, where, as Colonel of the National Guard of Paris, and of the Imperial Guard, he presented Eagles to the Presidents of the departments, and the six arrondissements, and to the Chiefs of his Guard.-Count Chapital, President of the Electoral Colleges of Paris, and Lieutenant-General Durosnel, carried the Eagle of the National Guard; and Lieutenent-General Count Friant that of the Imperial Guard. The troops marched in battalion and squadron, and surrouded the throne, with the Officers in the first line. The Emperor
Soldiers of the National Guard of Paris, Soldiers of the Imperial Guard, I entrust to you the Imperial Eagle, with the National Colours. You swear to die, if necessary, in its defence, against the enemies of the country and the throne. [Here all who were within hearing interrupted the Emperor with cries of We swear.] You swear never to acknowledge any other rallying sign. [New cries of We swear.] You, soldiers of the National Guard, you swear never to permit foreigners again to stain the capital of the Great Nation. To your courage I shall entrust it. [Cries of We swear! a thousand times repeated]—And you, soldiers of the Imperial Guard, you swear to surpass yourselves in the campaign which is about to open, and to die rather than permit foreigners to dictate laws to your country.
Here the acclamations, and the cries of We swear, resounded throught the whole of the Champ de Mars. The troops, form
MINISTRY OF WAR
ORDER OF THE DAY.
The most angust ceremony has consecrated our institutions. The Emperor has received from the Representatives of the People, and the Deputies of all the corps of the army, the expression of the wishes of the whole nation on the additional Act to the Constitutions of the Empire, which had been sent for its acceptance. A new oath
binds together France and the Emperor. Thus are destinies accomplished, and the efforts of an impious league, will fail to separate the interests of a great people from that hero of whom the most brilliant triumphs have gained the admira
tion of the universe. It is at the moment when
the national will displays itself, with so much energy, that cries of war are heard. It is at the moment when the national will displays itself with so much energy that cries of war are heard. It is at the moment when France is at peace with all the world, that Foreign armies move towards our frontiers. What are the hopes of this new Coalition? Does it wish to sweep France away from her rank amongst nations? Does it intend to enslave 28 millions of Frenchmen? Has it forgotten that the first league formed against our independence only served to aggrandize us in power and in glory. A hundred splendid victories, which momentary reverses and unfortunate circumstances have not effaced, must remind that Coalition, that a free people guided by a great man, is invincible. Every man in France is a Soldier when national honour and liberty are at stake; a common interest now unites all
Frenchmen, The engagements which violence had extorted from us are destroyed, by the flight of the Bourbons from our territories, by the ap peal which they have made to foreign armies to replace them on the Throne which they have abandoned, and by the will of the nation, who, whilst resuming the free exercise of her rights, has solemnly disavowed all that had been done without her participation. Frenchmen will not receive laws from strangers; even those traitors who are gone to solicit amongst foreigners a parricidal assistance, will soon know and experience as well as their predecessors, that contempt and infamy follow their steps, and that they can only wipe off the opprobrium with which they cover themselves, by re-entering our ranks. But a new carcer of glory opens itself to the army; history will consecrate the remembrance of the military deeds which will illustrate the defenders of the country, and the national honour. Our enemies are numerous, we are told; why should we care! their defeat will be the more glorious. The struggle on the eve of commencing, is neither above the genius of Napoleon, nor above our strength. Do we not see all our departments rivalling each other in enthusiasm and devotion, form, as through the power of magic, five hundred superb battalions of National Guards, who are already come to double our ranks, defend our fortresses, and associate themselves to the glory of the army? It is the impulse of a generous people, which no Power can conquer, and which posterity will admire. To arms! The signal will soon be given: let every one be at his post. Our victorious phalanxes will derive fresh glory from
the numbers of our enemies. Soldiers, Napoleon guides our steps; we fight for the independence of our fine country: we are invincible.
The Marshal of Empire, Major-General the Duke of DALMATIA, Paris, June 1, 1815.
THE CHAMP DE MAI.
Hear a powerful nation's voice
One gen'ral sentiment proclaim,
And all the people chorus join;
The Mountain Nymph, sweet LIBERTY,
Long banish'd by the Bourbon race,
Epsom Church Yard, June 7th 1815.
Printed and Published by G. HOUSTON, No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed to the Editor, are requested to be forwarded.
VOL. XXVII. No. 24.] LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 17, 1815. [Price 18.
TO LORD GRENVILLE, On the Constitutions of England, America, and France.
leon, either in his constitution or his code, He did little more than arbegan a new. range, classify, reduce to order, and provide for enforcing the laws, under whatever name, passed by the different assemMY LORD-In the published report of blies; and this was the code, which the your speech of the 24th of last month, Bourbons promised to adhere to and supon the subject of the war against France, port. So that the constitution of France, we read the following passage: "As to as it now stands, has been the work of 26 66 new constitutions, he (Lord G.) was firm-years, not only of study, but of experily of opinion, that a good constitution,ence. It is very curious to hear so many "could only be formed by the adoption persons abusing, or ridiculing, the French "of remedies, from time to time, under constitution, and, in almost the same "the circumstances which required them. breath, saying, that it is no more than "The only instance of exception men- what the people had under Louis XVIII. ❝tioned was that of America; but, that This looks a little like insincerity. "did not apply. The founders of that It is, however, the alledged resem"constitution acted with great wisdom. blance between the English and American "It was framed so as to produce as little governments which is the most interesting "change as possible in the existing laws object of examination at present; though "and manners under the altered form of it will, before I conclude, be necessary. 66 government, which, though a Republic, to see a little what resemblance that of 66 was constructed as nearly as the differ- France bears to each of the former govern66 ence would admit, on the MONARCH-ments. I take your Lordship to mean, "ICAL form of OUR OWN CONSTI"TUTION."
This passage, my Lord, owing, I dare say, to the want of accuracy in the Reporter, is not so clear, or so correct, as one might have wished; but, its meaning evidently is, that constitutions of government cannot be well formed all at once; that the American constitution of government bears a very near resemblance to our own; and (taking in the context), that the constitution of government now adopting, or settling, in France, is a bad constitution, or system.
As to the first of these propositions: that a constitution cannot be well made all at once, it is of little consequence as to the object which I have in view; for, the French have been more than 25 years forming their constitution; and, however mortifying it may be to some people, the laws of France, even while the Bourbons were on the throne, last year, were, for the far greater part, laws passed by the different National Assemblies, or, as some would call them, the jacobins. It is a very great mistake to suppose, that Napo
of course, that there is a very near resemblance between the English and American governments as they really are in operation. Not as they are to be found in books written about constitutions. What Montesquieu and De L'homme and Blackstone and Paley and a long list of grave political romance writers have published upon the subject, we will leave wholly out of the question. Your Lordship was talking, and so will I talk, of things AS THEY ARE, and not as they ought to be; or as they are, from parrot-like habit, said to be. And, here, my Lord, I beg leave, once for all, to state, that I am offering no opinions of my own upon this subject. Your Lordship, according to the published report, says, that there is a near resemblance between the English and American governments. This fact I deny; but, that is all. I do not say that the American government is better than ours; nor do I say, that it is worse. I only say, that it does not resemble ours. Which is the best and which is the worst I leave to the decision of the reader, in whatever country he may live.
But, before I enter on my proofs of the even though that other were her sister; negative of this your Lordships proposi- nay, her daughter? If an individual tion, permit that I observe, for a moment, make a valuable discovery, so far is he on the desire, which is so often disco- from communicating it to the world, that vered in this country, to induce other na he, if he can, obtains a patent for it, and tions to adopt governments like our own. thereby the right of punishing whoever atNo sooner do we hear of a change of go- tempts even to imitate his wares. What, vernment in any couutry, than we begin then, can be the cause of our anxiety to urging the people of such country to adopt make other nations partakers in the blessa government like ours. The newspaper ings of our government? We take spepeople, the Walters and Perrys and the cial care to keep from them all we can in like are everlasting telling the French, the way of commerce. We have a law for that they ought to come as nearly as pos- the encouragement of our own navigation sible to our admirable mixed government. to the discouragement of that of all other Those cunning loons, the Edinburgh Re- countries. We have laws to prevent the carviewers, chaunt the same litinies in every rying to other countries machines to facilisucceeding number. They despair of the tate the making of manufactures. We have French, because they reject our excellent laws to prohibit the carrying of the produce model of government; and they predict, of our colonies to other countries, until it that the American system cannot endure has been brought here. We have laws to long, because it has none of those bodies prevent the exportation of live sheep lest of Nobles, or large proprietors, who are other countries should get our breeds. We the best guardians of the peoples rights, have laws to punish artizans and manufac standing as the latter do between the turers, who attempt to leave this country, people and the Prince! This was their and also to punish the masters of the talk, indeed, before your Lordship and vessels in which they are attempting to other great Noblemen joined the Minis- escape; the avowed object of which laws is ters, in support of the war. What these to prevent other countries from arriving place-hunting critics will say now is a at our state of perfection in mannfactures great deal more than I am able to guess. and arts. How is it, then, my Lord, that Thus, too, it was that Burke ranted and we are so generous as to our political pos raved. The French, according to him, sessions? Generous, did I say? Nay, ought to have been half put to death, be- obtrusive and impertinent. We are not cause they despised the "admirable” only tendering them with both hands at mixed government of England. How he once; but, we really thrust them upon the ran on, what bombastical balderdash he world; and, if any nation be so rosopublished upon this subject, your Lord-lutely delicate as to refuse to receive them, ship knows as well as I; and you, doubt-let that nation look to itself! 66. Will you less, remember, that, when answered by Paine, instead of attempting to reply, he pointed out the work of his antagonist to be replied to by the Attorney General!" Now, my Lord, what can be the real cause of all this anxiety to get other nations to adopt our own sort of government? It is not the usual practice of the world to be so eager to induce others to share in one's happiness. If a man, by any accident, finds a parcel of money in a field, or a wood, does he run ́away to bring his neighbours, or even his cousins, or brothers, to enter into a search with him? Did we ever hear of a tradesman, who had a set of good customers, endeavour to introduce per$ons of the same trade to them? Did ever handsome woman try to make any other woman look as handsome as hersel
give me a penny?" said Dilworth's Beggar to the Priest. "No." "Will you, for the love of Christ, give me a halfpenny, then, to keep me from starving?" No." "Will you, then, give me one farthing?" "No." "Pray, "then since I must die with hunger, give me your blessing, Reverend Father." "Kneel down, my dear son, and receive it." 66 No,” ," said the Beggar, "for if it were worth but one single farthing you would not give it me; so you may "e'en keep your blessing to yourself." But, we greatly surpass the Priest; for while we withhold commerce, navigation, manufactures, arts, artizans, manufacturers, breed of animals, &c. &c. we not only offer our blessing, but we abusc those who reject it; and, there are those amongst us who scruple not to say, that,
in the whole world; it may be very laudable in him, very disinterested, very humane, extraordinarily generous, to urge other nations to partake in his blessings. He may lament the blindness, or the obstinacy, or the perverseness, of the nations, who refuse to accept of his offer. But, why should he be angry with them? Why should he be in a rage with them? Why should he quarrel with them on that account?
the nation, which has the insolence to re- | John Bull's may be the best government fuse to share in our political happiness, ought to feel the force of our arms. To what, then, shall I fairly ascribe this desire to induce other nations to adopt our sort of government? It is notorious, that men seek for companions in misery and disgrace. Never was there a bankrupt who did not wish to make his appearance in a copious Gazette. The coward looks bold when he has fled amongst a crowd. The country girls, who anticipate the connubial tie, always observe, and very truly, that they are not the first and shall not be the last. It is said, that persons, infected with the plague, feel a pleasure in communicating it to others. To ascribe to a motive like any of these, our desire to extend our sort of government to other nations would be shocking indeed. Yet, lest we should expose ourselves to the imputation, I think it would be best for us to be silent upon the subject; or, at least, where nations decline to adopt our system, to refrain from expressing any resentment against them on that account.
We will now, if your Lordship pleases, come to the resemblance between the English and the American Governments. They are both called governments, to be sure; and so are kites and pheasants called birds; but, assuredly, though I pretend not to say which is the best, or which is the worst, they resemble each other no more than do these two descriptions of the feathered race. To substantiate this assertion, I shall take the material points, in the two cases, and state them in opposite columns, that the contrast may, at once, strike every eye.
A KING, having the sovereign power settled on his family by hereditary descent. His heir may be an old man or woman, a boy or a girl.
The King's Civil List amounts to more than four millions of Dollars annually, or 1,000,000 of pounds sterling, besides the allowances to the Royal Children, Queen. &c. &c. amounting to nearly £400,000
The King, without the consent of any part of the Legislature, makes treaties, and even treaties of subsidy, agreeing to pay money to foreign powers. He appoints ambassadors, public ministers, consuls, judges, and all other officers whatever. The King can do no wrong. His person is, sacred and inviolable.
The King can declare war, and make peace, without any body's consent.
The Chief Magistrate is a PRESIDENT, freely elected by the People every four years, and he must be 35 years of age.
The President receives a compensation for his services, which cannot be augmented during his presidency; and this com pensa is 25,000 dollars, or 6,000 pounds sterling.
The President, with the consent of the Senate, who are elected by the people, can make treaties, provided two thirds With the same of the Senators concur. consent he appoints ambassadors, public ministers, consuls, judges, &c.
The President may be impeached, and when he is tried in Senate the Chief Justice is to preside. He can only be dismissed and disqualified by the Senate; but, besides that he may be afterwards for the same offence, indicted, tried, judged, and punished, according to law, like any other criminal.
The President cannot declare war. Nor can he and the Senate together do this. It is done by the Congress; and