6.

66

occurrence.

“ been able at once to corrupt and to army under Dumourier, it excited terror

oppress the French nation; now the and confusion through the camp. Every

sword is broken in their hands, let us one cried out he was betrayed; the army “not leave them the meuns of acquiring became disorganized; flight ensued, and

new weapons to our own destruction, it was not till they had reached the gates " and that of civilised society.”—TIMEs of Paris, that the runaways were convincof 30th June, 1815.

ed they were in safety. All the world

knows how soon these same fugitives comSince writing the above, Paris Papers pelled the Prussians to fly before them. of Monday have arrived, in which it is The battle of Jemappe, which decided stated, that “ Napoleon is gone to llavre, the fate of Flanders in November 1792, 66 where he is to embark for England, was followed by a similar

accompanied by Prince Jerome, Prince After the Austrians fled to Mons, DuJoseph, a first Equerry, a first Cham- mourier sent two brigades to occupy

the “ berlain, and two Valets de Chambre.” suburbs of that place. On their march, If this step has really been taken, it need not the advanced guard was, seized with a surprise any one if it is the prelude to the panic, from a strange apprehension that restoration of the Bourbons to the throne the Austrians had undermined the ground of France. Thanks to the vanity, the over which they were marching. Terror contemptible vanity of Napoleon, and the and disorder epsued, which having comfickle disposition of the French people, municated to the rest, the two brigades for so unlooked for a change.

fell back upon the main army, by which

the Austrians gained time to effect their INVASION CF FRANCE.

retreat in safety, Shortly after this,

however, we find the same troops that MR. COBBETT.-Those who consider had discovered so. ill grounded a fear, the late disaster of Napoleon a prelude to driving the Austrians before them, and the submission of the French people to possessing themselves of Brussels.--the yoke of the Bourbons, seem to forget Many other instances could be added of the events, of a similar nature, which have the same description ; but these are suffioccurred since the beginning of the revo- cient to shew, that that sort of disaster, lation. During the first campaign in the which led to the retreat of Napoleon, will Netherlands, the French General Biren not justify the opinion, now industriously. was on the eve of attacking the Austrians propagated, that France has been subo at Mons, with an army already flushed dued, and that the allied armies may prowith victory, and which made the air re- ceed, without interruption, to Paris. In sound with shouts of victory or death.” the discussions, which have taken place In a moment it was seized with a panic; in the Senate and Legislative body, rethe whole was thrown into confusion; specting the elevation of Napoleon's son the Austrians commenced the attack; the to the Imperial dignity, the most decided republicans were forced to retreat with l hostility appeared against the family of immense loss, and only escaped entire an- the Bourbons. If, as it is said, the Brinihilation by a detachment, under Ge- tish army have marched into France with neral Rochambeau, coming to their relief. Louis XVIII. at their head, nothing more

-Notwithstanding this disaster, it is well will be wanting to open the eyes of the known that the French very soon after French to the plans now forming to redrove their assailants from the field. When place that unfortunate personage on the General Dumourier was obliged to retreat throne; no other stimulus will be nebefore the Prussians, he sent orders to cessary to rouse the nation, as it was General Chazot, whom he had detached roused in the early part of the revoluwith about 10,000 men from the main tion, to resist all attempts to impose a body of his army, to join him. This divi-government so hostile to its feelings, and sion on its march fell in with 1500 Prus. so much at variance with the true interests sians, which they took for the advanced- and glory of France. guard of Clairfayt's army. Disorder im- But it will be said, that the near apmediately pervaded the ranks; they threw proach of the allies to Paris, přecludes all down their arms and fled in all directions. idea of any resistance which the French Intelligence of this having reached the people can offer, being successful. It is

very true, that the British and Prussian | against France ever since she declared for armies are now considerably advanced independence. What sort of ideas of into France; but it is equally true, that freedom can this child form, under the the enemies of France possessed the same tutelage of a daughter of the House of advantages in 1792, and yet were obliged Austria ?—Where are the hylacon days, to retreat. “ The enemy is at the gates which Frenchmen had a right to look for 66 of Paris. Verdun, which lies in his under a free representative government,

way, cannot hold out longer than eighit when such prospects as these seem to open 66

days.”—This was the state of affairs at before them ? The contemplation is that period, “ but the citizens who de- gloomy indeed. Still, I am free to ac“ fend it (Verdun) have sworn that they knowledge, that I would rather prefer the “ will perish rather than surrender it.” reign of Napoleon the Ild, with all its They were faithful to their oaihs, and disadvantages, to that of the Bourbons, the invaders were driven back.- The only | The former has the semblance, at least, doubt remaining in my mind is, that the of being the choice of the nation. The people of France are not so ardent in | latter has been twice expelled, and if he the cause of freedom as they were in is again restored, it must be by the sword, 1792. So much has been done to fami- a mode of recling a government at all liarize them with royalty, to impress times hostile to the legitimate rights of the their minds with the importance of a people, and subversive of the true princonstitutional moparchy, and to fascinate ciples of liberty. them with the vain and gaudy trappings of

ARISTIDES. an Imperiul dynasty, that if they again revert to the reign of despotism and priestcraft, they will only have themselves

British PoliTICAL OBJECTS. to blame for the melancholy change. Napoleon has always possessed a great Mr.CoBBETT.-The policy of the Brishare of my esteem and respect. But I tish government, as well with respect to its never could forget the violence he offered own domestic interests, as to those of to liberty, when he seized upon the go- foreign relations, should be to nurture, to vernment, under the name of “ First extend, and to establish the cause of raConsul.” It was the first step towards ex. tional liberty. What has given to ihe tinguishing public spirit. What followed British realnis the transcendant authority, served only to benumb the faculties, and and the vast political resources they posto prepare France for the re-establishment sess, but the popular and liberal institu. of that system, which it had cost her so tions of the legislature by which they are many years of suffering to get rid of.-- governed. If reference be liad to the best Why did not Napoleon), at once, renounce periods of the Assyrian, the Egyptian, the the imperial diguity, and return to those Grecians, and the Roman governments, it principles which were the cause of his will be found that the high renown and early good fortune, and which procured distinction of these several states, arose him more real and substantial glory than from the liberty enjoyed by the people, he ever derived from the imperiał bauble? by the recognition of inherent civic rights, Had he done this, France would have and by the mutual confidence that subbeen saved; had he resumed the endearing sisted between the governing and the name and title of “ General Boniparte, governed. The moment that intrigue, Commander of the armies of the Repub- and despotic artifice reared their baneful lic," he would, indeed, have deserved sceptre, and gained the ascendancy of well of his country; he would have drawn public virtue, all the political advantages all parties around bim. The very sound of those wise institutions were practically would have appalled the tyrants of the lost, and delapidation and ruiu marked the earth, and little more would have been fatal effects of such deplorable aberration necessary to ensure the triumph of liberty. from souod policy. 66 Evil communicaBut, no-he abdicates only in favour of tionis corrupt good mannerrs," is a maxim his

sop, whom he desires to be proclaimed that has the sanction of holy writ, and if by the regal title of Napolcon 11 !-Alas! it were not there recorded, it is incessantly this very son is a branch of that house proving in the individual and national which lias taken the most decided part intercourse of men. It is undoubtedly

com.

the policy and interest of governments simi- , political security of that country, be dimilarly constituted, to co-operate in each nished and endangered. Where unreothers plans of procedure, and not to at- strained despotism exists, rational liberty tempt the solecism of reconciling in prac- can have no secure abode. Overtly or. tice what is radically and irreconciliably covertly, the machinations of tyranny are different in principle. Agreeably to this incessantly directed against popular free-, rule of policy, the British government dom, inasmuch as the one is totally inshould be anxious to conciliate the good compatible with the other. As liberty opinion, and prefer the alliance of kin- and tyranny, therefore, cannot co-exist, dred forms of legislature, if any such how is it that they can be associated in there

are, and not for purposes of tempo- alliance for any vindicable object? Tyrary power, or for objects unworthy of an ranny never lends its aid to liberty, and independent nation, enter into any poli- liberty disdains to assist the cause of tical compacts with powers that have no. tyranny. All alliance, then, obtaining thing in them at all congenerous; nay, between such opposite systems, is not that found their schemes of authority, and less reprehensible in principle than, strength on principles of tyranny, at utter sooner or later, ruinous in practice. It variance with British liberty. Is it pos- is very natural and perhaps even sible that any benefit can accrue to real mendable, agreeably to the existing sysBritish interests, by cultivating friendly tem, for Russia to seek the aid of alliance and confidental relations with States that from all the European states founded on a have not the slightest affinity with the similar scheme of government, but with constitutional liberty of Great Britain ? what consistency can that, and other In what points of sound policy can nations, kindred states, ask co-operation from the governed by principles of liberty and British nation, knowing that their systems slavery, faithfully concur? If mutual sin- of government are so widely different? cerity exists in their engagements, must What is there in common between the they not make mutual sacrifices of their Russian and German governments, and - respective systems for the benefit of these that of Great Britain. The two former engagements; and if that be the case, how are founded on the sole will of the peris the cause of liberty furthered by the sonal sovereign, excluding from all conalliance, and what practical benefit is sideration the political rights of the

likely to result to the enslaved nation, who people; the latter constitutionally rests - sees that professions of liberty are not so a strict representative system, in unbending but they may be made to ac- which the people are acknowledged to cord with the habitual objects of avowed be every thing, and that without them despotism? The intercourse is unnatural there can be nothing.

What interests, and necessarily tends mutually to vitiate legitimately or cousistently associated, and injure the contracting parties, without can the government of Great Britain a chance of advancing the political virtue seek in conjunction with its present allies, of either. In this view of the hurtful dis-in waging hostilities against France. ? The

. cordancy, that must arise in the alliance French have proclaimed, and are now seekof governments essentially differing in ing the establishment of nationalliberty and political principles, and practice, is it not independence. These privileges have been an anxious consideration for Britons to bottomed on a representative system of ascertain what possible good can result to government, comprehending, with but a the British nation, by pledging its blood few exceptions, the most important ad, and treasure for objects that might coun- vantages of a free and an enlightened tenance and protect despotic governments, form of legislation. Its ground work is but cannot possibly

hefit a liberal and not dissimilar to that of the English Con, popular system of legislation ?

In the stitution. Does not this circumstance, exact proportion in which the despotic as well as its generic character of civil liallies of Great Britain have their terri- berty, naturally assort it with British torial possessions, and political powers en- views, and should it not as naturally secreased by any compact into which they cure it British amity and protection? Is may enter with the government of this not the prosperity of French liberty facouạtry, must the real interests, and even vourable to all that is excellent in the cong

on

stitutional charter of Great Britain; and Where are the respective authority and would not the destruction of the one en- dependence existing, which would warrant danger the safety of the other? Is it pos- the representative office of the Ilouse of sible to uppose that the genuine spirit of Commons in saying, that the representathe British constitution can be embattled tide possesses a power to which the repreagainst France, in opposition to her es- sented are so subjected that they cannot tablishi - a similar form of gover:ment? be either relieved, or discharged from its Were the British people truly represeuted | obligations, but by the sort of favour that in Parliament, as prescribed by the con- may be shewn to humility of petitioning stitutional law of the land, would it be or praying. Does either the principle or possible to sanction a war against French practice of social liberty recognise a feelliberty and independence by legislative ling so abject, so mendicating, as that provisions for its support?' French li- which would rather crouchingly suppliberty is only dangerous to despotic states; cate, than sternly demand an unquestionits teixlency should awaken no apprehen- able right? There cannot be two opinions sion in the British government; it will be with regard to the superior power of the more likely to justify and confirm the represented to that of the representing ; constitutional excellencies of that govern- the former possesses the original and immerff, than at all to invade or undermine mutable right; the latter has only the them. Great Britain and America should exercise of its delegated authority, and to be earnest in their devotion to the ame- which it can have no moral claim longer liorated state of French government; they than it be merited by a faithful and adeshould regard it as another important link quate execution of the duties imposed. in the chain of power, that promises ulti- The right of domineering and dictating mately to extend and establish the influ- cannot be vindicated by any provisions in ence of political liberty over the habita- the chartered - liberties of the British ble world. The prejudices, habits, and realms, on the part of the representative ignorance of pational slavery must gra- towards the represented; and, of course, dually give way to an enlightening system under no circumstances whatever, can of education, before the example of legis- the people be justly degraded to the lative liberty, constitutionally provided low state of petitioning as a

a boon for in England, America, and France, what they may demand as a right. All can become as universal as it is necessary applications to Parliament may not be adto the wants and happiness of mankind. missible ; the propriety of them is justly A Tate Briton. subjected to the corrective wisdom of the

House ; yet, 'in as far as the objects of such applications were held to be war

rantable, they are entitled to the most ON THE Term PETITION. ample consideration; not because they MR. COBBETT.-The admirable obser

are couched in servile language, but be- , rations, recently made in his place in the strance against either a al-or supposed

cause they are presented as a remonHouse of Commons, by Sir Francis Bur- grievance. To talk of denying references dett, in the memorable instance of pre- to the legislature, in the independent senting the Westminster Petition against tone of acknowledged complaint, and of the present war, are well adapted to en- prescribing to it the language of mendilighten the British people in the genuine city, to entitle it to any reception at all, political quality of a constitutional peti- is surely to invert the order of moral tion. It is quite clear, what, in the fram- authority; it is to obliterate and eclipse ing of that privilege, must have been de- the real source of power by' rendering the signed by it; but the choice of the term delegated every thing, and the delegating for claiming that right is not correctly nothing. Thé hackneyed forms of parsiguificant of its real import. To petition, liamentary petitions, the gradations of literally means, to pray, to supplicate, to favour assigned to them, in proportion as beg. Ilow is this servile cringing attitude they attain or fall short of what is reof spirit consistent with the moral power garded as the standard measure of decoand freedom of requiring, of demanding; rous servility; and the unreserved flipof insisting, on an indefeasible right

pancy with which they are either, in the

AGAINST

.

first instance rejected, or, if received, SPAIN, PORTUGAL, BAVARIA, WURfinally everlooked and forgotten, are TEMBERG, &c. &c.; WITH AN ARMY among the worst effects of a degenerated OF ONE MILLION AND ELEVEN THOUsystem of British representation. When SAND REGULAR SOLDIERS, the people know their true political rights, NAPOLEON AND FRANCE. and dignities, and confer them only where they will be faithfully administered for their true benefit, it will then be understood that the style of communicating

The following, as appears from the with the legislature will not be in terms French official accounts, was the result so debased as to assume the character of of the battle of the 16th inst. to which either a petition, a prayer, or a supplica- they have given the name of the “ Battle tion, but as a demand or remonstrance, according to the circumstances of redress of Ligny-Under-Fleureus.” or correction sought to be obtained. The At half.past nine o'clock we had 40 pieces of word petition ought, therefore, to be ex- cannou, several carriages, colours, and prisoners, punged from the legislative vocabulary, and the enemy sought safety in a precipitate reit should have no meaning in national po. treat. At 10 o'clock the battle was finished, and litics. What may be justly required by we found ourselves masters of all the field of bata British people, should be constitution- tle. General Lutzow, a partisan, was taken priably demanded, whether it be in the way soner. The prisouers assure us, that Field-Mar. of instruction, for the amelioration of the shal Blucher was wounded. The flower of the State, or in that of remonstrance, for the Prnssian army was destroyed in this battle. Its correction of alledged abuses of delegated loss could not be less than 15,000 men.

Qur's authority. The right of the British pub- was 3000 killed and wounded. On the left, lic to demand of the legislature redress Marslial Ney had marched on Quatre Braş witha of wrongs, or to remonstrate with it

a division, which cut in pieces au English diviagainst any affirmed inaccuracies of con- sion which was stationed there ; but being atduct, cannot be denied.-- If either the tacked by the Prince of Orange with 25,000 demand or remembrance should be well nen, partly English, partly Hauoverians in the founded, it will be entitled to the fullest pay of England, le retired upon his position at acquiescence on the part of the legisla- | Frasnes. There a multiplicity of combats took ture; if it should be imaginary and er place; the enemy obstinately endeavoured to roneous, it still deserves to be treated force it, but in vain. The Duke of Elchingea with all the respect due from the delegated

garou waited for the 1st corps, which did not arrive to the delegating authority, and in no

no

till night; he confined himself to maintaining his case to be contumaciously rejected as position. In a square, attacked by the 8th regiunworthy of notice. The right of the ment of curassiers, the colours of the 69th regipeople constitutionally, that is peacefully, meut of English infantry fell into onr hands. to call on the Government to do justice The Duke of Brunswick was killed. The Prince to the public, when it may suppose

itself

of Orange has been wouuded. We are assured unjustly treated, is one of the most vital that the enerny had many personages and Geneprivileges of the liberty of the land, and, rals of bote killed or wounded; we estimate the to be consistent with its own independ loss of the English at from 4 or 5000 men; our's ence and dignity, should be always de

on this side was very considerable, it amounts to clared in language of resolute firmness 4,200 killed or wounded. The combat ended and of determined authority.

with the approach of night. Lord Wellington CENSOR.

then evacuated Quatre Bras, and proceeded to Genappe. In the morning of the 17th, the Emperor repaired to Quatre Bras, whence le marche

ed to attack the English army: he drove it to No. II.

the entrance of the forest of Soignes with the HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE WAR of left wing and the reserve. The right wing ad.

ENGLAND, AUSTRIA, Russia, PRUSSIA, vanced by Sombref, in pursuit of Field-Marshal
DENMARK, SWEDEN, HOLLAND, Sar- Blucher, who was going towards Wavre, where
DINJA, THE POPE, Naples, Sixlci, he wished to take a position, At 10 o'clock in