excesses, of which it is wholly guiltless. Voltaire even reproaches these men with having forged a number of false tales, and doubtful facts, for the express purpose of inflaming the public mind, and of rendering the institution hateful. In the Papal dominions, for example, the Inquisition is the most lenient of courts,—more lenient far, than any of our ecclesiastical courts in this country. During the course of upwards of a century, it has never, on any occasion, nor for any crime, condemned one single criminal to death. Neither, indeed, did the Popes, in the establishment of this tribunal, nor in the order, and forms, of its proceedings, ever adopt the plans, and measures, of the Monk, Torquemada. Even in Spain itself, where the severity of the institution was the most awful,-even there, the infliction of the penalty of death was, comparatively speaking, but of rare occurrence. Thus, the inveterate Limborch, presenting a long list of criminals, during a long length of period, admits, that, out of all these, only fifteen men, and four women, -alas, far too great a number,—were executed. But, then, they were executed for the same crimes,-sacrilege, gross profanations, treason, witchcraft, &c.,—for which, during the middle ages, they would have been equally put to death in this country, or in any other country of Europe. And then, too, these executions were ordained, not by the spiritual authority, but by the civil power, of the Tribunal. After all, be all this as it may, it is still true, that neither the institution of the Inquisition, nor its punishments, have any thing to do, either with any article of Catholic Faith; nor with any point of Catholic discipline. It has always been rejected by many Catholic States, and nations,—and these too, eminently Catholic,-England, Ireland, Scotland, Germany, Naples ;—whilst, in France, and Venice, it could never obtain any permanent establishment. It was even, in many States, and places, viewed with just as much aversion by the Catholic, as now it is reprobated by the Protestant. At present, I am convinced, that there is no English Catholic, but what rejoices at its suppression. -- At the same time, I believe this,—that, if the disciples of the modern school of Philosophism,―aye, and a certain portion of our English Protestants, the men, who inveigh so fiercely against persecution,—if these had the power to do all, they wish, in relation to the Catholic religion, they would establish an Inquisition against it, even more tyrannical, than that of Spain. For, only look at the conduct of the former, whilst they reigned triumphant, during the French Revolution. They then not only persecuted, profaned, and destroyed, as much as they could do it, every thing Catholic, but they murdered, with savage cruelty, whole hecatombs of its priesthood. Or look equally at the conduct of these men, while they recently domineered, or now domineer, in Spain. Like the French Revolutionists, they have not only, again persecuted, defiled, and insulted, every thing, connected with religion, but they have sacrificed, also, thousands of its unoffending Clergy. The greatest of persecutors have been the very men, who have the most loudly condemned persecution. THE SECOND LETTER. MONSIEUR LE COMTE, AFTER the supposition, that the Inquisition is a purely ecclesiastical tribunal; and that priests can condemn men to death, —after this, there needed but one other supposition to complete the absurd phantom of malevolent ignorance,—namely, that the Inquisition condemned men for their simple opinions; and that a Jew, for example, was burnt, for no other offence, than for being purely, and simply, a Jew. This, indeed, is an assertion, which has been so often repeated, that multitudes actually believe the preposterous tale. Among the least excusable calumniators of the insulted Institution, I regret, and am surprised, to find so distinguished a character as Montesquieu. But, so it is: we unfortunately see this great writer, with the boldest intrepidity, pouring out the most virulent language against it, on the occasion of a pretended remonstrance of a pretended Jewess. He even makes this the subject of a chapter in his "Esprit des Loix." Now, the fact is, that the very idea of burning a young, innocent, girl, and this, too, in one of the grand capitals of Europe, for no other offence, than that of believing in her own religion,—there is, in this, something too horrible to be conceived. The reality of such act would form a national crime, sufficient to call down the deepest disgrace upon a nation,nay, perhaps, even upon a century. But, happily, the whole tale is a pitiful calumny,—disgraceful only to the writer, whose malignant ingenuity invented it. How long, then, has it been allowed to calumniate nations; and to insult the institutions, which they have thought proper to establish among themselves? or where is the decency, or the justice, of attributing to these institutions acts of the most atrocious tyranny? and to do this, moreover, not only without the sanction of any testimony, or proof, but in face of the most notorious evidences to the contrary. In Spain, and in Portugal equally, as in fact, it is the case every where, no one is ever molested, who keeps himself quiet. As for the imprudent enthusiast, who dogmatises, and disturbs the public order of things, he, if checked in his career, has no one to complain of, but himself. There is, no where, in any nation, a well regulated government, but what imposes restraints, or some punishment or other, upon the daring attempts to overturn religion. No one has any right to demand of the kings of Spain, why, or for what reasons, they have thought proper to ordain such and such punishments for such and such offences. They knew best, what were the wants, and the interests, of the nation. They knew the character of their enemies; and they restrained them, in the way, which they judged most prudent. The grand, and only, question, and this, too, incontestable,— is this,—that, in regard of the offences, of which I am speaking, -no one is ever punished, but in virtue of a universal, and well-known, law;—according to established, and invariable, forms of justice; and by lawfully constituted judges, deriving their whole authority from the king, and acting completely under his control. Under these circumstances, then, how ill-founded are all the declamations against the tribunal of the Inquisition; and how little reason has any Spaniard to complain! It is true, -man justly dislikes to be judged by man: because knowing himself, he knows, also, of what man is capable, when once he is either blinded by his passions, or pushed on by prejudice. But, where there is question of law,-to this, men ought to be submissive-they ought not to attempt to disturb the public peace. Reason, and the instincts of nature, admit no better rule, in these points, than the general, enlightened, and disinterested, will of a legislature, substituted, every where, in place of the particular, ignorant, and partial, will of man. If, therefore, the laws of Spain, composed, and ordained, for the peace and security, of the whole nation,-if these inflict the punishments of exile, imprisonment, or even death itself, against the declared, and public, enemies of religion,-in this case, neither should any one excuse the criminal, who has thus called down the punishment upon himself;-neither should the criminal himself complain,-seeing, that he possessed the most simple means of avoiding it, that of holding his tongue. In regard of the Jews in particular, every one knows,—or should know, that the Inquisition does not, in reality, punish any of these, save such as relapse—that is, such as, having solemnly adopted the christian religion, return again to Judaism. The laws are, indeed, more or less severe against these, as well as against the preachers of Judaism. But then, the remedy was easy:-the christian, or the converted Jew, who chose again to Judaise, were always at full liberty to quit the country. They knew,-as did, also, the Jew, who undertook to seduce the christian,-they knew, to what they exposed themselves, by remaining. No individual has any right to complain of a law, which is equally made for all. Men loudly declaim against the tortures, employed in the tribunals of the Inquisition; and above all, against the punishment of burning, inflicted for the crimes against religion. All the thunders of eloquence, and indignation, particularly among the French Infidel writers, are directed against these alleged atrocities. The fury of their declamation gives a pathos to their philosophy. However, this vanishes at once, if once the subject be but calmly considered, according to the rules of sober, and calculating, logic. The Inquisitors, it is true, did ordain the infliction of torture for certain crimes against religion. But, then, they did it, in virtue of the laws of Spain; and because it was prescribed by all the tribunals of that nation. It was a punishment, adopted anciently by the laws of Greece, and Rome; insomuch that Athens, the school of liberty, ordained it, even in regard of its own free citizens. Among modern nations, all these have employed it, in order to discover the truth. I am not going to examine, how far all this was, either wise, or unwise; or whether, in former times, there was not as much reason to employ the instrument of torture, as now, in these days, there is every reason to suppress it. Be all this as it may, the case is, that, since this punishment was no more attributable to the Inquisition, than to every other tribunal, so it is unjust to reproach it alone with imputation of cruelty. Let the eloquence, or the |