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who has since honestly avowed, that he did it out of the public money, and for the sake of setting an example to the public! This was in due course; but, such examples have no effect, I believe, except on those, who, some how or other, get by the war.- -Let these persons give their money to the Russians for setting fire to their own houses, as the TIMES tells us, they have their taste; but, one would imagine, that, in the sums voted by parliament, that is to say, in the sums given away out of the taxes raised upon the people of England, some of our own poor creatures, such as those at Nottingham, might be permitted to share with the Russians.- -The Russians, we are told, suffer in the war against our enemy; and do not our own paupers suffer from the same cause? Do not they suffer from the imposing of taxes and from the loss of their business? And what do these arise from but from the war?- -I should, I must confess, be very glad to hear the reasons, why our poor suffering wretches are not to have a parliamentary grant as well as the sufferers in Russia. But, this is what I shall not hear from any of the hireling writers. This is a topic that they will not touch upon; for, if they were to give their reasons; their TRUE reasons, they would speak a little too plain even to the people of England. As to the prayer of the petition, I know not what the Regent may think of it; but, the hireling press, so far from thinking of peace, is, more than ever bent on war. It will now hear of no peace, the path to which is not over the "corpse of the monster;" meaning the Emperor of France, and which "monster's"

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Muly Molock, "know all,"--He is not ill, nor does he appear to be at all disconcerted at what has taken place in the North. He will organize his plans, in all probability, for another campaign in Russia; and we shall, perhaps, hereafter repent, that we have missed the last opportunity of making a safe and honourable peace.The people of Nottingham do not seem, however, to view the matter in a right light. They seem to think, that it is the present ministry who prevent peace. But, have they heard either of the other factions say a word in its favour? Have they not, on the contrary, heard the other factions blame the ministers for not carrying on the war upon a more extended scale? These factions, if they be sincere, want more war than we now have, and, of course, more taxes. They cry out, that Lord Wellington wants money. Aye, I dare say, he does; but, must not we pay it before he gets it? And do we want to pay more money? The fact is, that the OUT factions blame the ministers for being too sparing of our purses!We shall have peace at last; but not, in my opinion, while the guinea is so cheap as it now is. It will now sell for only about 29s. 6d. It must be a great deal dearer before we shall, in my opinion, have peace.

WM. COBBETT.

Botley, 7th January, 1813.

OFFICIAL PAPERS,

PROCLAMATION,

St. Petersburgh, Nov. 15,

(Continued from page 30.)

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corpse seems, as yet, to be, however, in Issued by the Emperor Alexander, daled pretty good health and preservation. What wiseacres! They are as wise as they are honest, however; and, the suffering of them, the tolerating of their trash, meets with its just reward. They, like many thousands of others, would lose by peace; and, therefore, they are for -They will not now treat with Napoleon because he is, as they say, at a low ebb; and formerly they would not treat with him, because he swam with the tide of victory so that, according to them, there never can come a time to treat for

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with the ruler of France.- -But, I had forgotten, he is very ill. Very ill. He does, indeed, preside at Councils, review his troops, and hunt in the woods; but, still the Times and the Courier will insist, that he is very ill. They, like

he now, with the small remains of them, seeks his personal safety in the rapidity of his flight; he flies from Moscow with as much fear and depression as he advanced against it with pride and insolence; he flies, leaving his cannon behind him, throwing away his baggage, and sacrificing every thing that can retard the swiftness of his flight. Thousands of the fugitives daily fall to the earth and expire. In such manner does the just vengeance of God punish those who insult his temples. Whilst we, with paternal tenderness and joyful heart, observe the great and praiseworthy actions of our faithful subjects, we carry our most warm and lively gratitude

to the first cause of all good,—the Almigh | high a purpose, and such invincible pers severance in the whole nation, does it im mortal honour, worthy of being preserved in the minds of posterity. With the courage of such a nation, we entertain the most well-founded hopes. Whilst we jointly with the true church, and the holy synod and clergy, supplicate God's assistance, that if our inveterate enemy, and the mock er of God's temple and holiness, should not be entirely and totally destroyed in Russia, yet that his deep wounds, and the blood it has cost him, will bring him to acknowledge her might and strength. Meanwhile, we hold it to be our bounden duty, by this general publication before the whole world, to express our gratitude to the valiant, loyal, and religious Russian natiou, and thereby render it due justice.

ty God; and in the next place we have to express our thanks in the name of our common country, to all our loyal subjects, as the true sons of Russia. By their general energy and zeal, the force of the enemy is brought down to the lowest degree of decline, for the greater part has either been annihilated or made prisoners. All have unanimously joined in the work. Our valiant armies have every where defeated the enemy. The higher nobility have spared nothing by which it could contribute to the increase of the strength of the State. The merchants have distinguished themselves by sacrifices of all kinds. The loyal people, burghers, and peasantry, have given such proofs of fidelity and love for their country, as can only be expected of the Russian nation. They have zealously and voluntarily entered into the hastily raised levies, and have, shewn a Courage and resolution equal to veteran -warriors. They have with the same force and intrepidity penetrated the enemy's regiments, with the same implements with which they only a few weeks before turned up their fields. In this manner the troops of levies sent from St. Petersburgh and Novogorod, for the strengthening of the forces

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Given at St. Petersburgh, the 15th day of November, in the year 1812, after the birth of Christ, and in the twelfth year of our reign,

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sident's Message.

Mr. Graham to Mr. Russell.

under Count, Wittgenstein, have behaved Farther Documents accompanying the Prethemselves, especially at Polotzk, and other places. We have besides, and with heartfelt satisfaction, perceived by the reports of the Commander in Chief of the Department of State, Aug. 9, 1812. armies, and from other Generals, that in Sir, The Secretary left this city about several Governments, and particularly in ten days ago, on a short visit to Virginia. those of Moscow and Kalouga, the country Since that period Mr. Baker has, in conpeople have armed themselves, chosen sequence of some dispatches from his Gotheir own leaders, and not only resisted all vernment addressed to Mr. Foster, made attempts at seducing them, but also sus- to me a communication respecting the intained all the calamities that have befallen tentious of his Government, as regards the them with the perseverance of martyrs. Orders in Council. It was of a character, Often have they united themselves with however, so entirely informal and confiour detachments, and assisted them in dential, that Mr. Baker did not feel himmaking their enterprises and attacks against self at liberty to make it in the form of a the enemy. Many villages have secreted note verbal or pro memoria, or even to their families and tender infants in the permit me to take a memorandum of it at woods; and the inhabitants, with armed the time he made it. As it authorizes an hand and inconceivable courage, under en- expectation that something more precise gagements on the Holy Gospel not to leave and definite, in an official form, may soon each other in danger, defended themselves, be received by this Government, it is the and whenever the enemy shewed himself, less necessary that I should go into an exhave fallen upon him, so that many thou-planation of the views of the President in sands of them have been cut to pieces, and relation to it, more particularly as the dispersed by the peasants, and even by Secretary of State is daily expected, and their women, and numbers taken prison-will be able to do it in a manner more ers, who were indebted for their lives to satisfactory. I have the honour to be, &c. the humanity of those very people whom (Signed) JOHN GRAHAM.

they came to plunder and destroy.So

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Mr. Graham to Mr. Russell. Department of State, Aug. 10, 1812. Sir,Thinking that it may possibly be useful to you, I do myself the honour to enclose a memorandum of the conversation between Mr. Baker and myself, alluded to in my letter of yestesday's date.

I have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) JOHN Graham,

Mr. Baker also stated, that he had received an authority from Mr. Foster to act as Charge d'Affaires, provided the American Government would receive him in that character, for the purpose of enabling him officially to communicate the declaration which was to be expected from the British Government; his instructions to be understood, of course, as ceasing on the renewal of hostilities. I replied, that although to so general and informal a communication, Memorandum referred to in the above Letter. no answer might be necessary, and cerMr. Baker verbally communicated to tainly no particular answer expected, yet me, for the information of the President, I was authorized to say, that the commuthat he had received dispatches from his nication is received with sincere satisfacGovernment, addressed to Mr. Foster, tion, as it is hoped the spirit in which dated, I believe, about the 17th of June, it is authorized by his Government may from which he was authorized to say, that lead to such farther communications as will an official declaration would be sent to this open the way not only for an early and sacountry, that the Orders in Council, so tisfactory termination, of existing hostili far as they affected the United States, ties, but to that entire adjustment of all would be repealed on the 1st of August, to the differences which produced them, and be revived on the 1st of May, 1813, un that permaneut peace and solid friendship less the conduct of the French Government, which ought to be mutually desired by and the result of the communications with both countries, and which is sincerely dethe American Government, should be such sired by this. With this desire, an auas, in the opinion of His Majesty, to ren- thority was given to Mr. Russell on the der their revival unnecessary. Mr. Baker subject of an armistice, as introductory to moreover stated, that the Orders would a final pacification, as has been made be revived, provided the American Go- known to Mr. Foster; and the same devernment did not, within fourteen days sire will be felt on the receipt of the fur after they received the official declaration ther and more particular communications, of their repeal, admit British armed ves- which are shortly to be expected, with 'sels into their ports, and put an end to the respect to the joint intimation from Mr. restrictive measures which had grown out Foster and the British authorities at Hali of the Orders in Council. The dis- fax, on the subject of suspending judicial patches authorizing this communication to proceedings in the case of maritime capthe American Government expressly di- tures, to be accompanied by a suspension rected, that it should be made verbally, of military operations. The authority and Mr. Baker did not consider himself at given to Mr. Russell just alluded to, and liberty to reduce it to writing, even in the of which Mr. Foster was the bearer, is form of a note-verbal, or pro memoria, or full proof of the solicitude of the Govern+ to suffer me to take a memorandum of his ment of the United States to bring about a communication at the time he made it. general suspension of hostilities on admis I understood from him, that the dispatches sible terms, with as little delay as possible. had been opened by Mr. Foster, at Hali-It was not to be doubted, therefore, that fax, who, in consequence of a conversation he had had with Vice-Admiral Sawyer and Sir John Sherbroke, had authorized Mr. Baker to say, that these gentlemen would agree, as a measure leading to a suspension of hostilities, that all captures made after a day to be fixed, should not be proceeded against immediately, but be detained to await the future decision of the two Governments. Mr. Foster had not seen Sir G. Provost, but had written to him by express, and did not doubt but that he would agree to an arrangement for the temporary suspension of hostilities.

any other practical expedient for obtaining a similar result would readily be concurred in. Upon the most favourable considera tion, however, which could be given to the expedient suggested through him, it did not appear to be reducible to any practicable shape to which the Executive would be authorized to give it the necessary sanction; nor indeed is it probable, that if it was less liable to insuperable difficulties, it could have any material effect previous to the result of the pacific advance made by this Government, and which must, if favourably received, become operative as

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soon as any other arrangement that could now be made. It was stated to Mr. Baker, that the President did not, under existing circumstances, consider Mr. Foster as vested with the power of appointing a Charge d'Affaires; but that no difficulty in point of form would be made, as any authentic communication through him, or any other channel, would be received with attention and respect.

The Secretary of State to Mr. Russell.

[Extract.]

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mark, that its authenticity might be relied
on. Mr. Baker added, that it was not
improbable, that the Admiral at Halifax
might agree likewise to a suspension of
captures, though he did not profess or
appear to be acquainted with his sen-
timents on that point.
On full
consideration of all the circumstances
which merit attention, the President
regrets that it is not in his power to
accede to the proposed arrangement. The
following are among the principal reasons
which have produced this decision:-
1st. The President has no power to sus-
pend judicial proceedings on prizes. A
capture, if lawful, vests a right, over
which he has no control. Nor could he
prevent captures otherwise than by an in-
discriminate recal of the commissions grant-
ed to our privateers, which he could not
justify under existing circumstances.-
2d. The proposition is not made by the
British Government, nor is there any cer-
tainty that it would be approved by it.
3d. No security is given or proposed, as
to the Indians, nor could any be relied on.
They have engaged in the war on the side
of the British Government, and are now
prosecuting it with vigour in their usual
savage mode. They can only be restrained
by force, when once let loose, and that
force has already been ordered out for the
purpose.-4th. The proposition is not
reciprocal, because it restrains the United
States from acting where their power is
greatest, and leaves Great Britain at li-
berty, and gives her time to augment her
force in our neighbourhood. 5th. That
as a principal object of the war is to obtain
redress against the British practice of im-
pressment, an agreement to suspend hosti-
lities, even before the British Government
is heard from on that subject, might be
considered a relinquishment of that claim.

Department of State, Aug. 21, 1812. My last letter to you was of the 27th of July, and was forwarded by the British packet, the Althea, under the special protection of Mr. Baker. The object of that letter, and of the next preceding one of the 20th of June, was, to invest you with power to suspend by an armistice, on such fair conditions as it was presumed could not be rejected, the operation of the war, which had been brought on the United States by the injustice and violence of the British Government. At the moment of the declaration of war, the President, regretting the necessity which produced it, looked to its termination and provided for it; and happy will it be for both countries, if the disposition felt, and the advance thus made on his part, are entertained and met by the British Government in a similar spirit.You will have seen by the note forwarded to you by Mr. Graham, of Mr. Baker's communication to him, that Mr. Foster had authorized him to state, that the Commanders of the British forces at Halifax would agree to a suspension, after a day to be fixed, of the condemnation of prizes, to wait the decision of both Governments, without, however, preventing captures on either side. Sir George Prevost has since proposed to General -6th. It is the more objectionable, and Dearborn, at the suggestion of Mr. Foster, of the less importance, in consideration a suspension of offensive operations by land, of the instructions heretofore given you, in a letter which was transmitted by the which, if met by the British Government, General to the Secretary at War. A pro- may have already produced the same revisional agreement was entered into be- sult in a greater extent and more satisfactween General Dearborn and Colonel tory form.I might add, that the declaBaynes, the British Adjutant-General, ration itself is objectionable in many rebearer of General Prevost's letter, that spects, particularly the following: 1st. neither party should act offensively before Because it asserts a right in the British the decision of our Government should be Government to restore the Orders in taken on the subject.- Since my return Council, or any part thereof, to their full to Washington, the document alluded to effect, on a principle of retaliation on in Mr. Foster's dispatch, as finally decided France, under circumstances of which she on by the British Government, has been alone is to judge: a right which this Gohanded to me by Mr. Baker, with a re-vernment cannot admit, especially in the

extent heretofore claimed, and acted on by the British Government. 2d. That the appeal is founded exclusively on the French Decree of the 28th of April, 1811, by: which the repeal of the Decrees of Berlin and Milan, announced on the 5th of August, 1810, to take effect on the 1st of November of that year, at which time their operation actually ceased, is disre, garded, as are the claims of the United States arising from the repeal on that day, even according to the British pledge. 3d. That even if the United States had no right to claim the repeal of the British Orders in Council, prior to the French Decree of the 28th of April, 1811, nor before the notification of that Decree to the British Government on the 20th of May, of the present year, the British repeal ought to have borne date from that day, and been subject to none of the limitations attached to it.- -These remarks on the declaration of the Prince Regent, which are not pursued with rigour, nor in the full extent which they might be, are applicable to it, in relation to the state of things which existed before the determination of the United States to resist the aggressions of the British Government by war. By that determination, the relations between the two countries have been altogether changed; and it is only by a termination of the war, or by measures leading to it by consent of both Governments, that its calamities can be closed or mitigated. It is not now a question, whether the declaration of the Prince Regent is such as ought to have produced a repeal of the Non-importation Act, had not war been declared; because, by the declaration of war, that question is superseded, and the Non-importation Act having been continued in force by Gongress, and become a measure of war, and among the most efficient, it is no longer subject to the control of the Executive int the sense and for the purpose for which it was adopted.- -The declaration, however of the Prince Regent, will not be without effect. By repealing the Orders in Council, without reviving the blockade of May 1806, or any other illegal blockade, as is understood to be the case, it removes a great obstacle to an accommodation. The President considers it an indication of a disposition in the British Government to accommodate the differences which subsist between the two countries; and I am instructed to assure you, that if such disposition really exists, and is persevered in, and is extended to other objects, especially

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DOCUMENTS WITH THE MESSAGE,
Mr. Russell to Mr. Monroe.

London, Sept. 19, 1812. Sir, On the 12th inst. I received your letter of the 27th of July last; and the copies of my note to Lord Castlereagh, and of his Lordship's reply enclosed herein, will inform you that the propositions, made in consequence of it, have been rejected.

-As I have but this monent heard of

the immediate departure of the Friends, I have time only to add, that I have received the communications of Mr. Graham, of the 9th and 10th of August, by the Gleaner, and that I leave London this evening, to embark on board the Lark, at Plymouth, for New York.I am, with the greatest respect and consideration, Sir, your faithful and obedient servant,

(Signed) JONA. RUSSELL,

P. S. An interesting interview took place between Lord Castlereagh and myself on the 16th instant, the account of which I must, for want of time, reserve until I have the honour to see you.

Mr. Russell to Lord Castlereagh. (Private).

18, Bentinck-street, 12th Sept. 1812. My Lord,-In consequence of additional instructions which I have received from my Government this morning, I called about noon at the Foreign Office, and found with regret that your Lordship was out of town. My object was to communicate to your

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