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ple, did much in producing this fatal war. Paine has said, that it is the last feather that breaks the horse's back; and, would it be any wonder, if this base print, by that insolence, those taunting menaces, in which it dealt a few months before the war was declared, was the last feather upon the occasion? It spoke of the Americans and their navy in a strain of contempt not to be endured. It told them, that their boasted Navy should be towed into Halifax in a month from the date of their declaration of war. It said, that it hated other enemies of England; but that Mr. Madison and his nation were unworthy of any thing but contempt.It was impossible for any nation to put up with this. Libels the most atrocious were published against Mr. Madison and all his brother officers in the government. The Naval Officers of America were spoken of as if they were dogs.

-The thing we contend for is, the practice of impressing persons on board neutral ships on the high seas. This the Americans deny to be a right; they say, that it never was before practised, or contended for, or claimed, by any belligerent nation; they say, that, by no writer on public law; by no principle ever laid down by any such writer; by no recognition of any power; by no practice, by no assertion of ours, is this act to be justified. In short, they say, that it has neither law, precedent, nor reason for its basis.- -If they assert, in this. respect, what is not true, why not prove it? Why not cite us the book, the treaty, the public document, the principle, the precedent, upon which we ground this practice? No one attempts to do this; and, until it be done, what impudence is it to say that we possess such a right ?Agreeably to all the principles of jurisprudence, when a man claims a right to do that which is, on the face of the thing, a trespass upon another man, he must first prove his right. There may be in John a right to pass across the field of James; but, having now, for the first time, begun to exercise this right, it is incumbent upon him to prove it in the way of defence against an action of trespass; and, if he cannot prove it; if he can show neither written deeds nor bring evidence of precedent or custom, he suffers as a trespasser. Apply this to the case before us, and will any one say, that, in order to justify a war for such a practice, we ought not to produce something in proof of our right?I am for giving up no naval right of England; and, if any one will show me any treaty, any declaration of any power, and recognition, any maxim of any writer upon public law, or, any custom or precedent, of any power in the whole world, to justify our impressment of persons on board of neutral ships on the high seas, I will say, that our last shot ought to be fired, rather than cease our practice of impressment.-Can I say more? Can I go further? Will justice or reason allow me to go further than this? The Americans will say, that I go muchi too far; but I am quite Englishman enough to go this length.Further, however, I will not go, call me what the hirelings will.

In that country the people have something to say as to public affairs; and, is it any wonder, that such publications should produce an effect amongst them, who read every thing, and who well understand what they read?The President, we find, has instantly, and with great avidity, accepted the mediation of Russia. He is a very plain man. Wears, or used to wear, a grey coat, and his no-powdered hair very smooth. He had no big wig, nor any gowns, or any other fine thing upon him. But, he seems to know very well what he is about.Indeed, all he has to know, is, what the people wish, and that he knows by their votes. He knows, that they hate war, as the great and fruitful parent of taxation and arbitrary power; and that, to please them, he must avail himself of every thing that offers even a chance of putting an end to the war upon just and honourable terms.) -But, as you see, our hirelings exclaim against the acceptance of any mediation; even the mediation of Russia, who has committed her very fleet to our hands. For once, let us hope, that these men do not speak the language of the government. If we refuse the mediation of our own ally in the war; if we refuse the mediation of that power, who, we say, is about to deliver Europe and us from all the fears about Buonaparte, what will that power, what will the world say Is it not a little too much in this of our cause ?- -We are not, it seems, writer to talk about concessions as demand❝ to commit our naval rights to the media-ed by America? She asks (I repeat it for "tion of any power." But, this is not proposed. The Americans do not dispute any thing heretofore acknowledged by them, or contended for by us, as a right.

about the hundredth time) for no concessions. She says we are trespassing upon her, and we, without any attempt to prove that we are not trespassing, accuse her of

demanding concessions, because she asks at all with France; but, is it likely, that, us to cease what she deems a trespass.- if the war continue, and the desire of reI really, upon no point ever observed these venge increase, some connexion will not be prints more base and impudent than they formed with France? With whom is are upon this. It is so plain a case. Ame- America to ally herself but with our enerica complains of a most injurious trespass; my who has ships in abundance, which we call it the exercise of a right; she re- she has not, and who only wants just those plies, prove your right; and we rejoin by very sailors of which she has too many? accusing her of demanding concessions. This would give her a navy at once withHowever, she is now, it seems, to out a loan; or, which would be better for be punished. -That word will go back- her, the use of a navy during war, withwards down the throat of those who have out the encumbrance of it during peace. made use of it. "Punishment" is to -Would these spiteful and silly writers precede any peace with her. Poor, fool- like to see Decatur and Hull and Bainish wretch, who has written, or dictated, bridge on board of French ships of the line? this paragraph! She is to be punished Would they like to see a fleet of nine or ten and she is to retract, before we negociate a sail, manned with the same sort of stuff peace with her!-I beg the reader to that fired on the Java from the Constitubear this threat in his mind. Whether he tion?My opinion is, that, if the war does or not, it will not be soon forgotten continue another year, they will see this; in America, where, we may be well a and yet, they have the audacity, or the sured, that the bombarding, or burning, stupidity, to say, in print, that they hope of a few towns, will have no other effect the mediation of Russia will be rejected by than that of rendering the contest more our ministers! -It has always been my bitter, and of completing the commercial fear, and I long before the war expressed separation of the two countries. Perhaps it, that it would produce a connexion of amongst the things the most wished for by this kind with France; and, if such couthe bitterest enemies of England in Ame- nexion has not already taken place, it has, rica, is the burning of a sea-port or two. perhaps, been owing solely to the fear of The loss would be trifling in comparison giving a handle to the English party in the with the advantage to those who wish to States. If, however, we carry on a war cut the two countries asunder for ever, of bombardiment, that party will, in a "Fear!" "Alarm!" What alarm short time, have no weight at all; and, are they in? Those who know them, the thirst for revenge will produce that, know how small a sacrifice the knocking which, under the influence of less hostile down a town would be. The country is a passions, might still have remained an obCountry of plenty. There is more food ject of jealousy, To see a fleet, under the than the people want. It is not, as in allied banners of France and America, Russia, where famine follows war. To be would be to me a most fearful object. I sure, the inhabitants of the towns which am convinced it would present greater danare in danger must experience alarm; but gers to us than we have ever yet had to what has this to do with the whole coun- contemplate; and, therefore, I read with try; and what gain will it be to us? We indignation and abhorrence all these endeashall have expended some scores of thou-vours of English writers to exasperate the sands of pounds in the undertaking, and people of America.- I have never beshall have enemies for ever of many who lieved, that the crews of the ships, by were not our enemies before.In the which our frigates have been beaten were mean while, whatever this writer may say British sailors; I have always believed about the loan in America, ships of war them to have been native Americans, and will be built; a navy will grow up; sea- I still believe it. But, if, as our hired men will be formed in great numbers; writers have asserted, they were our own and, let peace take place whenever it may, countrymen, what is to hinder the ships of we shall have created a formidable rival on France to be manned in the same way? the ocean.. -Nor are we to suppose, if The British sailors, who are now, if there the war continue, that a closer connexion be any, fighting against their own country will not take place between America and in American ships, will, of course, be as France. Hitherto the war, on our part, ready to follow their commanders into has not had that effect. The American French ships; and, if that were to be the government, as if to give the lie to our in- case, this war for the practice of impresssolent writers, has formed no connexionment would have answered a most serious

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war, or of any grievance, unless they call for a reform of the parliament. To the want of this, and not to any other cause, we owe all that we have to complain of and to lament. Every evil may be traced to this source, and while it continues to flow, every evil will exist.- -To hear the Whigs talk about a change of ministry is disgusting. We have seen that tried, over and over again. We have had, within the last 13 years, all the great talkers in place; and what good have they done us? They do not appear so much as to have thought of any thing for our relief.-I must confess, that, when I hear of people complaining and whining under the burdens that are laid upon them, and yet say not a word about a removal of the cause, they are objects of my contempt rather than of my pity. They smart under the Pro

end indeed. By a stroke of address not without a precedent in the history of our cabinet, we have got into a war with America upon the worst possible ground for us. We talk about the maintenance of our maritime rights; and this does very well with the people at large. " What!" say they, "America want to rob us of our "maritime rights!" But, what is this right? Suppose it, for argument's sake, to be a right, what is it? It is the right of impressing people in American ships on the High Seas. But, still to narrow it; it is the maritime right of impressing; and impressing whom? Why, British SeaOne would think, that this should have been the last ground on which to make, or meet, a war. It is utterly impossible to divest oneself of the idea which this conveys; and equally impossible not to perceive the effect which must be pro-perty Tax, they writhe at the paying of a duced by it in the sailor's mind. -For, either our navy does contain considerable numbers of seamen who wish to seek and find shelter under the American flag, or it does not. If it does not, why go to war for this right of impressing them? If it does, how must these same seamen feel as to the cause in which they are engaged? I fancy this is a dilemma that would hamper almost any of the partisans of the American war.- -I have always been disposed to believe, notwithstanding the assertions to the contrary, that our seamen have not gone over to the Americans in any considerable number; but, if, unhappily, I am deceived, I am quite sure that this war will have a strong tendency to aggravate the evil.

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fine to the Local Militia; but, tell them, that the remedy is a reform of the parliament, and they but too often turn from you.

-Let them smart then; let them writhe. If they will not ask for the only effectual and constitutional remedy, let them suffer in silence.The old cheat of a change of ministry is, however, now become too stale to deceive any body. There is no man will now say, that he wishes for such a thing, unless he be to have a place or profit of some sort in consequence of it. The Whigs do now-and-then make a little effort to keep up the delusion, but the figure they cut only excites pity.- -They are now by far the worst set of the two. They first betrayed the people, and then became their most bitter enemies. They dread a reform of parliament much PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. "Mr. more, I believe, than their opponents; so "CANNING," says the parliamentary re- that, now there is nothing called party port of the 17th instant," presented a which pretends to wish for a reform. The Petition signed by 6,000 of the inhabi- people are left to themselves, and their "tants of Liverpool, with the contents of way to proceed is to present petitions. "which he said he did not agree, lament- That is all they can do.- -It is, at this "ing the grievances of the country, the time of day, quite useless to attempt to protraction of the war, the decay and enter into the reasons for reform. They "ruin of our manufactures, and ascribing are all well known. They are felt by "these evils to the defective state of Par-every man in the kingdom. The question liamentary Representation, and propos- is not, whether the measure ought to be *ing, as the most effectual remedy, the "shortening the duration of Parlia66 ments, the extension of the elective franchise, and the exclusion of placemen and pensioners from seats in that House. "The Petition was read, and ordered to lie upon the table."-These petitions are, it seems, now coming in. It is in vain for the people to complain of taxes, of

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adopted; but, solely what the people ought to do to bring about its adoption. Whe ther they ought to leave events to work the cure; or to endeavour, by their own constitutional exertions, to hasten it. I am for the latter, and, therefore, am glad to see so respectable a petition from Liverpool, WM, COBBETT.

Botley, 19th May, 1813.

OFFICIAL PAPERS.
OFFIC

NORTHERN WAR.
(Continued from page 736.)

I am at present engaged in causing entrench-
ments to be thrown up at Cluss, Konegs-
born, and other points, in order to enable
Lieutenant-General Von Bulow, with the
greater security to blockade Magdeburgh
on this side.
(Signed) F. D. Auvray,
Imperial Russian Maj.-Gen. and Chief
of the General Staff, in the name of
Count Wittgenstein.

Konigsberg, March 12.1 Our paper contains the following DECLARATION,

We, the undersigned Officers from the Royal Bavarian, Saxon, Westphalian, and Grand Ducal Frankfort services, who have joined the German Legion, hold ourselves obliged, as men of honour, and with due respect, love, and confidence, publicly to lay before our Princes and native country, the motives which have induced us to take this step.

The first van-guard came up with the enemy near Danegkow, and after a brisk cannonade forced them to quit that place, with a considerable loss; whereupon I caused the corps of Lieutenant-General Von York, and that of Lieutenant-General Von Berg to follow the van-guard, which were already engaged, and make a vigorous attack on the enemy. -Generals Von Borstell and Bulow did the same on their side, the first advancing to Echdenuck, the latter to Vehelitz, which places were in the enemy's possession, but who was dislodged from thence by the valour of our troops.The resistance of the enemy, who had the advantage of the ground, was every where very obstinate; but, nevertheless, he was forced at all points to yield to the bravery We are Germans. This of our troops, and it was only by the dark- single word includes every thing. For a ness coming on that an end was put to the series of years past, we could only sigh for engagement, and we were prevented from our country, without being able to save her. following up this glorious victory. I can- At length the moment is arrived, when not sufficiently express to your Excellency Germany can raise her depressed neck, my approbation of the Imperial Russian and when our hopes are more raised than ever Royal Prussian troops. The Lithuanian of throwing off the slavish yoke of France. regiment of dragoons, and two squadrons Victorious Russian armies pursue the enemy of the Body regiment of Russians, cut an from river to river; the Prussian eagle enemy's regiment of cavalry totally to strikes her mighty wings; numberless vopieces, or made prisoners or dispersed it. lunteers hasten to the Prussian standard; The same fate attended a second regiment every where, even in those parts where the of the enemy's cavalry, by the Grodno enemy still keeps his footing, a general Hussars. The Tirailleurs of the brave Po- spirit is rising, which promises to re-conmeranian battalion of grenadiers took a field-quer Germany's lost honour and liberty. piece with horses from the enemy, and in Fathers themselves bring their sonsthe whole six powder waggons were taken, men their jewels; and even the poorest and we made 27 officers and 900 privates contribute their mite: and we, men of prisoners. The General of Division Gre- Germany, shall we remain unconcerned nier, and General Gruindler were wound- spectators? or even, perhaps, in a foreign ed. The enemy's loss certainly amounts to service, assist in laying our native country 2,000 in killed and wounded.- On our again in chains?-Never, never!-Whoside one officer was killed, and seven soever shall now fight against his brethren wounded; we had 560 privates killed or is in our eyes a traitor to his native coun-wounded. The enemy did not take a single try! Whosoever will not fight for her, man of ours, to keep with him; one Cos- neglects his most sacred duty! for we were sack was made prisoner, but he made his German citizens before we were soldiers: escape, and even brought a horse along we never could enter into a compact for with him. On the 6th, towards noon, I shedding the blood of our brethren on our again sent a detachment of infantry, caval- maternal soil, to quench the thirst of ry, and artillery, in search of the enemy, strangers with it; neither, truly, have our who had drawn off from all points in the noble Princes intended it! they have been course of the night, but this proved in vain, obliged to submit to superior power; they. as on his retreat to Magdeburgh he had have been forced to tear their own entrails.. quitted the defiles to Wahlitz and Alten We are, therefore, convinced that our reCluss, and had cuifolf all the bridges.vered Princes will themselves approve the

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step we have taken, although their tongues may as yet be chained; we are assured, that we are acting beforehand with their secret wishes as we arm ourselves for their independence; and should there be one amongst them who thinks otherwise, will posterity denominate him a German Prince?

ties hereafter to be collected on Goods hereafter to be imported by sea.

We Frederick William, by the Grace of

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God, King of Prussia, &c. &c.

self from the alliance with France, we likeHaving found cause to withdraw ourwise deem it necessary herewith to declare, We do not live in times that can be that all restraints under which commerce, measured by a common scale-we live in even in our States, has hitherto suffered in times of bitter, general distress, which knows no other law than that of firmly nental System; and the ships and goods of consequence of the so denominated Contijoining for speedy assistance. That, and all friendly and neutral nations shall be that only, is now the law. Let every true freely permitted to enter in our harbours German search his bosom, and ask himself and territories without any exception or if, it be otherwise?- -No personal neces- difference. All French goods, either prosity has brought us under the standards of duce or manufactures, are on the contrary the German Legion; we are led to it only herewith totally prohibited, not only for by the sense of honour, and the love of our use, but likewise to pass through our terricountry. We will not fight with French-tories, or those occupied by our armies. men against Germans; but with Germans for Germans. Should there be German Princes, soldiers, or citizens, capable of denying such motives, we would still calmly fulfil our most sacred duty, appeal to posterity, and from her expect the crown of renown, due to the faithful sons of their country. Posterity will not ask in what service we were engaged, but for what cause we fought, whether for Germany and humanity, or for France and tyranny? (Signed) V. Oelhafen, Wallstab, v. Boxberg, Hilenbrand, v. Glauhofen, v. Berge, Lehmann, v. Thomas, v. Hann, v, Hohenheichen, B. v. Waldmannsdorff, Neidhard, Schleiter, Trott, V. Beyer, Schneiders. Konigsberg, March 12, 1813.

Rostock, March 23.

His Serene Highness the Duke of Mecklenburgh has transmitted the following Ordinance to the Commandants of Rostock and Wismar :

"As we herewith recall all the hitherto existing Ordinances against maritime commerce, we direct the Comarandant, Major Burlow, immediately on receipt of these patents, not only to take off such and all other embargoes, but likewise to discontinue the Military, Bureau established for that purpose, and also to inform the merchants there of this measure, that they may know the commerce by sea is open, and free to all nations, such only excepted as are engaged in war with Russia,

(Signed) FREDERICK FRANCIS. "Ludwigsluts, March 23, 1813.”

EDICT concerning the abolition of the so called Coutinental System, and the Du

-The so denominated Continental Impost is taken off, and exclusive of the consumption excise to be especially paid on foreign goods entered inwards by sea, for home consumption, there shall be levied the heretofore established moderate impost and transit duty, as it was previous to the. establishment of the Continental impost in the year 1810, which duty shall be collected on the gross weight, but only continue so long as the increased expenses arising from the war carrying on for the liberation of Germany, shall render it necessary. We give to our Privy Counsellor of State, and Chief of the Inward Customs Department, M. Von Heydebreck, full and uncontroled power to make what further alterations he may see fit, in the whole of the forementioned impost, and to put them in a proper proportion; as likewise to reduce, or entirely take off, at his own judgment, the consumption excise on such articles, where the collecting the full consumption would fall too heavy on the home consumpexcise, together with the impost duty, tion.Ail our public officers whom this matter concerns have to pay due attention hereto. Given at Breslaw the 20th March, 1813.

66

(Signed)

FREDERICK WILLIAM.
HARDENBERG."

NORTHERN WAR.--The following papers have been published at Paris, under their respective dates.

MAY 7.-Her Majesty the Empress and Queen has received the following intelligence. respecting the situation of the Army on the 1st of May.

The Emperor had removed his head

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