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Apology for the Ecclesiastical Characteristics, by the real Author of that Performance, in which the use of satire of that kind is defended, and its application in the particular instance enforced. He instances passages of irony from the sacred writings, and "from the most grave and venerable of the fathers," and urges the necessity of making some provision for the levity and sloth of the readers of the day. Another motive was to meet the worldliness of the times on its own terms:

The great patron and advocate for these was Lord Shaftesbury, one of whose leading principles it is, that "Ridicule is the test of truth." This principle of his had been adopted by many of the clergy; and there is hardly any man conversant in the literary world, who has not heard it a thousand times defended in conversation. I was therefore willing to try how they themselves could stand the edge of this weapon; hoping, that if it did not convince them of the folly of the other parts of their conduct, it might at least put them out of conceit with this particular opinion. The last of these I do really think the publication of the Characteristics has in a great measure effected; at least within my narrow sphere of conversation. It is but seldom we now hear it pretended, that ridicule is the test of truth. If they have not renounced this opinion, they at least keep it more to themselves, and are less insolent upon it in their treatment of others.

He takes care, however, to state that he does not adopt the test of ridicule as a criterion of what is true and excellent.

Another apologue, somewhat similar in idea to the Characteristics, was his History of a Corporation of Servants, discovered a few years ago in the interior parts of South America, containing some very Surprising Events and Extraordinary Characters, which is a narrative, under a pleasant disguise, of the Church History of Great Britain.

His Serious Enquiry into the Nature and Effects of the Stage originated with the performance, in Edinburgh, of Douglas, written by the clergyman Home.*

Witherspoon arrived in America, and was inaugurated president at Princeton, August 17, 1768. He improved the finances of the institution, and extended its literary and philosophical instruction by his courses on Moral Philosophy and Rhetoric, in which he anticipated the pub

lished works of Reid and Blair. These lectures are included in his works, and are highly finished productions for their day, of this species of writing.

On the opening of the war, the college, on the highroad of hostilities, was broken up for the time, when Witherspoon was elected delegate to the Convention of New Jersey for the formation of a state constitution, and being sent by the Provincial Congress to the General Congress at Philadelphia, took his seat in time to sign the Declaration of Independence. To a member of Congress, who said that the country was not

Witherspoon's Serious Inquiry into the Nature and Effects of the Stage, and a Letter respecting Play Actors, with a Sermon by Dr. Samuel Miller, on the Burning of the Theatre at Richmond, with an Introductory Address, were published in a small volume, by Whiting & Watson, New York, 1812.

ripe for such a declaration, he replied, "In my judgment, sir, we are not only ripe but rotten." He attended Congress with exemplary punctuality throughout the war, and was actively engaged in its committees. He was a member of the Secret Committee and of the Board of War, in which latter capacity he brought before Congress a report respecting the cruel treatment of prisoners by the British in New York, and was one of a committee who prepared a protest on the subject. He visited the camp at head-quarters, to improve the state of the troops, and was sent to the East to assist in the adjustment of the New Hampshire grants. He wrote the Congressional addresses to the people, recommending fasts and Thoughts on American Liberty, and several war topics in the newspapers. He was thoroughly identified with the American cause. "No man," we quote the words of Dr. J. W. Alexander in his Princeton Address, "thinks of Witherspoon as a Briton, but as an American of the Americans: as the friend of Stockton, the counsellor of Morris, the correspondent of Washington, the rival of Franklin in his sagacity, and of Reed in his resolution; one of the boldest in that Declaration of Independence, and one of the most revered in the debates of the Congress."*

Witherspoon's Essay on Money was a reproduction of his speeches in Congress, where he opposed the repeated issues of paper currency. His memory was very great; he carefully matured his speech, and lay in wait with it in his mind till opportunity arose, when he prefaced it with extempore remarks, and surprised his audience by his fulness and method. In 1781 he wrote several periodical essays on social and literary topics, the corruptions of languages and other matters, with the title, The Druid.

He

On the revival of the college it was mainly left in the hands of his son-in-law, Dr. Samuel Stanhope Smith, who succeeded him in the office of President at his death. In 1783 he was induced to visit England for the purpose of collecting funds for the institution; a rather early applica tion after the war, which was unsuccessful. returned the next year. Some time afterwards, when he was about seventy, he occasioned much comment among his friends by marrying a lady of twenty-three. He married his first wife in Scotland, by whom he had a son who became a major in the Revolutionary army, and was killed at the battle of Germantown. Ramsay, the historian, married his daughter. He resided at a country-seat near Princeton, to which he gave the name of Tusculum. Within the last two years of his life he was afflicted with blindness. died, Nov. 15, 1794.

He

His portrait by Pine shows a fine, manly countenance. His personal appearance, being six feet in height, was impressive, and he has been in this respect compared with Washington. He spoke with a strong Scottish accent. His sermons,

* J. W. Alexander's MS. Centennial Address at Princeton. † Ashbel Green has this entry in his Diary, July 29, 1791:— "Spent this day at Princeton. After making several calls, I went with Dr. Smith and Dr. Stockton to Tusculum, in the afternoon, to take tea with Dr. Witherspoon, and to pay my respects to his young wife. I had heard her represented at very handsome. She is comely; but to my apprehension, nothing more. The Doctor treated us with great politeness,"

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which were evangelical, simple in matter and methodical in arrangement, were well delivered, though a dizziness to which he was subject restrained his expression of emotion. "He had a small voice," Ashbel Green tells us, "and used but little gesture in the pulpit, but his utterance was very distinct and articulate; and his whole manner serious and solemn." While sitting in Congress he always wore his clerical dress. In his general course, he has the merit of having equally avoided flattery and scandal. His sagacity was shown in the old Continental Congress, when he earnestly opposed the appointment of Thomas Paine as Secretary to the Committee of Foreign Affairs, whom he already distrusted, though fresh in the success of the "Crisis."* A turn of his self-reliant character is given in his remark to Brackenridge, afterwards the witty judge, then a student at Princeton, who, complaining of his straitened fortunes, quoted the line of Juvenal

Hand facile emergunt quorum virtutibus obstat
Res angusta domi.

"There you are wrong, young man," said the Doctor; "it is only your res-angusta-domi men that do emerge."t

Witherspoon was never deficient in ardor when it was properly called for; at other times he was not lightly to be moved from his balance. Graydon, in his memoirs, tells a story of a cool reception of an effort which he made with him for the liberation of one of his Scottish countrymen, a young officer who had got into jail through a street encounter with the Whigs of the day. Witherspoon was then member of Congress, and had some power in the matter. Graydon met him at dinner, and made his appeal. "I counted," he

John Adams's Autobiography, Works, 11. 507. tBlog. Notice of H. H. Brackenridge. Modern Chivalry. 1846. Vol. ii. 153.

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says, "something upon the national spirit, supposed to be so prevalent among North Britons; and yet more, upon the circumstance of knowing from Dunlap and two other young Scotchmen, his fellow prisoners, that Doctor Witherspoon had been well acquainted with their families. I did not find, however, that the Doctor was much melted to compassion for the mishap of his countryman, as he contented himself with coldly observing, that if I could suggest any substantial ground for him to proceed upon, he would do what he could for the young man. It appeared to me, that enough had been suggested, by my simple relation of the facts; and I had nothing more to offer. But whether or not my application was of any benefit to its object, my presentation of the laddies to the recollection of the Doctor, seemed to have something of national interest in it; and had the effect to incite him to a shrewd remark, according to his manner. He told me he had seen the young men soon after they had been taken, and was surprised to find one of them, whose name I forget, so much of a cub. His father, said he, was a very sprightly fellow, when I knew him. This lad is the fruit of a second marriage; and I im. mediately concluded, when I saw him, said the Doctor, that Jemmey, or Sawney something, mentioning the father's name, had taken some clumsy girl to wife for the sake of a fortune."*

Dr. Ashbel Green gives an account of his passage with Governor Franklin in Congress:-"Dr. Witherspoon was a member of the Provincial Congress with my father, when Governor Franklin was brought before it, under a military guard. The governor treated the whole Congress with marked indignity, refused to answer any questions that were put to him, represented it as a lawless assembly, composed of ignorant and vulgar men, utterly incapable of devising anything for the public good, and who had rashly subjected themselves to the charge and deserved punishment of rebellion. When he finished his tirade of abuse, Dr. Witherspoon rose and let loose upon him a copious stream of that irony and sarcasm which he always had at command; and in which he did not hesitate to allude to the governor's illegitimate origin, and to his entire want, in his early training, of all scientific and liberal knowledge. At length he concluded, nearly, if not exactly, in these words-On the whole, Mr. President, I think that Governor Franklin has made us a speech every way worthy of his exalted birth and refined education.""t

When General James Wilkinson made his tardy appearance on the floor of Congress with the standards which he had been delegated to carry there by General Gates after the victory of Saratoga, it was moved by a member to honor the laggard messenger with a costly sword, when Witherspoon rose and proposed, that in place of a sword he should be presented with a pair of golden spurs.

At his death his eulogy was pronounced by Dr. John Rodgers of New York, and his works were collected in 1802 at Philadelphia, in four octavo volumes.

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Graydon's Memoirs, pp. 306-7.

+ Life of Green, p. 61.

Sanderson's Biog. of the Signers, v. 180.

MAXIM V.-FROM THE CHARACTERISTICS.

A minister must endeavor to acquire as great a degree of politeness, in his carriage and behavior, and to catch as much of the air and manner of a fine gentleman, as possibly he can.

This is usually a distinguishing mark between the moderate and the orthodox; and how much we have the advantage in it is extremely obvious. Good manners is undoubtedly the most excellent of all accomplishments, and in some measure supplies the place of them all when they are wanting. And surely nothing can be more necessary to, or more ornamental and becoming in a minister: it gains him easy access into the world, and frees him from that rigid severity which renders many of them so odious and detestable to the polite part of it. In former times, ministers were so monkish and recluse, for ordinary, and so formal when they did happen to appear, that all the jovial part of mankind, particularly rakes and libertines, shunned and fled from them; or, when unavoidably thrown into their company, were constrained, and had no kind of confidence to repose in them: whereas now, let a moderate, modern, well-bred minister go into promiscuous company, they stand in no manner of awe, and will even swear with all imaginable liberty. This gives the minister an opportunity of understanding their character, and of perhaps sometimes reasoning in an easy and genteel manner against swearing. This, though indeed it seldom reforms them, yet it is as seldom taken amiss; which shows the counsel to have been administered with prudence.

How is it possible that a minister can understand wickedness, unless he either practises it himself (but much of that will not yet pass in the world) or allows the wicked to be bold in his presence? To do otherwise, would be to do in practice what I have known narrow-minded bigoted students do as to speculation, viz. avoid reading their adversaries' books because they were erroneous; whereas it is evident no error can be refuted till it be understood.

The setting the different characters of ministers in immediate opposition, will put this matter past all doubt, as the sun of truth rising upon the stars of error, darkens and makes them to disappear. Some there are, who may be easily known to be ministers by their very dress, their grave demure looks, and their confined precise conversation. How contempt

ible is this! and how like to some of the meanest employments among us; as sailors, who are known by their rolling walk, and taylors, by the shivering shrug of their shoulders! But our truly accomplished clergy put off so entirely everything that is peculiar to their profession, that were you to see them in the streets, meet with them at a visit, or spend an evening with them in a tavern, you would not once suspect them for men of that character. Agreeably to this, I remember an excellent thing said by a gentleman, in commendation of a minister, that "he had nothing at all of the clergyman about him."

I shall have done with this maxim, when I have given my advice as to the method of attaining to it; which is, That students, probationers, and young clergymen, while their bodies and minds are yet flexible, should converse, and keep company, as much as may be, with officers of the army under five and twenty, of whom there are no small number in the nation, and with young gentlemen of fortune, particularly such as, by the early and happy death of their parents, have come to their estates before they arrived at the years of majority. Scarce one of these but is a noble pattern to form

upon; for they have had the opportunity of following nature, which is the all-comprehensive rule of the ancients, and of acquiring a free manner of thinking, speaking, and acting, without either the pedantry of learning, or the stiffness contracted by a strict adherence to the maxims of worldly prudence.

After all, I believe I might have spared myself the trouble of inserting this maxim, the present rising generation being of themselves sufficiently disposed to observe it. This I reckon they have either constitutionally, or perhaps have learned it from the inimitable Lord Shaftsbury, who in so lively a manner sets forth the evil of universities, and recommends conversation with the polite Peripatetics, as the only way of arriving at true knowledge.

JAMES RIVINGTON,

THE Royal Printer of New York during the Revolution, if not a man of much literature in himself, was the prolific cause of literature in others, having excited by his course some of the best effusions of Witherspoon, Hopkinson, and Freneau. He was from London, where he had attained considerable wealth as a book-eller, which he had lost by his gay expenses at Newmarket. He failed in business and came to America in 1760. He was at first a bookseller in Philadelphia, and the next year opened a store in Wall street in New York, where he took up his residence, in 1763 entering upon the printing business. He commenced his newspaper, the New York Gazetteer; or the Connecticut, New Jersey, Hudson's River and Quebec Weekly Advertiser, April 22, 1773, "at his ever open and uninfluenced press." He received support from the government and advocated British interests; not always to the acceptance of the popular feeling. In 1775 he appears to have been confined by order of Congress, when he addressed to that body a very submissive remonstrance and petition, "humbly presuming that the very respectable gentlemen of the Congress now sitting at Philadelphia, will permit him to declare, and, as a man of honor and veracity, he can and does solemnly declare, that however wrong and mistaken he may have been in his opinions, he has always meant honestly and openly to do his duty as a servant of the public. It is his wish and ambition to be an useful member of society. Although an Englishman by birth, he is an American by choice, and he is desirous of devoting his life, in the business of his profession, to the service of the country he has adopted for his own." In Nov. 1775, Capt. Isaac Sears, a representative of the sons of liberty, who had retired to Connecticut, returned with a troop of seventy-five light horse, which he had got together, "beset" the habitation of Rivington, destroyed his press and carried off his types, which were converted into bullets. Rivington then left for England, procured a new press, and was appointed King's Printer in New York. Oct. 4, 1777, he recommenced the Gazette with the old title, which he soon exchanged to Rivington's New York Loyal Gazette, and December 13 to the Royal Gazette, which became so notorious in his hands, and

* *

The letter is given in Sabine's Loyalists, pp. 558-569

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which he continued till 1783. On the withdrawal of the British, Rivington remained in New York, a circumstance which surprised the returning Americans till it became known that he had been, during the latter days of the war, a spy for Washington. He wrote his communications on thin paper, and they found their way bound in one of the books in which he dealt to the American camp, by the hands of agents ignorant of the service. He continued his paper with the royal arms taken down, and the title changed to Rivington's New York Gazette and Universal Advertiser, but it was considered "a wolf in sheep's clothing;" support dropped off, and the paper soon stopped in 1783. Rivington, in reduced circumstances, lived till 1802, when he died at the age of seventy-eight. There is a portrait of him by Stuart in the possession of the Hunter family in Westchester Co., New York.

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The Royal Gazette undoubtedly bore a very bad character for its statements. People were accustomed to call it the Lying Gazette. The resolutions of the Rhode Island Whigs at Newport on this head are sufficiently explicit: "Whereas, a certain James Rivington, a printer and stationer in the city of New York, impelled by the love of sordid pelf and a haughty, domineering spirit, hath for a long time in the dirty Gazette, and in pamphlets, if possible still more dirty, uniformly persisted in publishing every falsehood," &c.* "Even the royalists," says Isaiah Thomas, censured Rivington for his disregard to truth. During the war, a captain of militia at Horseneck, with about thirty men, marched to Kingsbridge, and there attacked a house within the British lines, which was garrisoned by refugees, and took most of them prisoners. Rivington published an account of this transaction which greatly exaggerated the affair in favor of the refugees; he observed, that a large detachment of rebels attacked the house, which was bravely defended by a refugee colonel, a major, a quartermaster, and fifteen privates-and, that after they were taken and carried off, another party of refugee dragoons, seventy-three in number, pursued the rebels, killed twenty-three of them, took forty prisoners, and would have taken the whole rebel force, had not the refugee horse been jaded to a stand-still.'"

Rivington's Royal Gazette was conducted for the Tory side with cleverness, and Rivington must have been, in many ways, a man of talent and ability. The paper was well put together and supplied with news from abroad, and was constantly replenished with poetical and prose squibs directed at the rebels. There was no lack of very pretty poems full of facetiousness at the expense of the Revolutionary leaders and their French allies. Gov. Livingston, in particular, was honored with many humorous epithets as the Don Quixote of the Jerseys, the Itinerant

Sabine's American Loyalists, p. 558, where several other proceedings of this kind are given.

↑ Thomas's Hist. Printing, ii. 314.

"He knew how to get money, and as well knew how to spend it; being facetious, companionable, and still fond of high living; but, like a man acquainted with the world, he distinguished the guests who were his best customers."-Thomas's Hist. Printing, il. 112.

Dey of New Jersey, the Knight of the most honorable Order of Starvation and Chief of the Independents. "If Rivington is taken," Gov. Livingston wrote about 1780, "I must have one of his ears; Governor Clinton is entitled to the other, and General Washington, if he pleases, may take his head." Writing to a friend in 1779, he says, "If I could send you any news I should do it with pleasure; and to make it, you know, is the prerogative of Mr. Rivington."*

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Rivington's Gazette relishes of many other things besides war and politics. The officers lived well and daintily, if we may judge from his advertising columns. "Ratafia and Liqueurs to be sold in boxes. Enquire of the Printer." "Wanted. A Very Good Fiddle. Enquire of the Printer," are advertisements of 1779. His own bookselling stock was at the same time daintily set forthNovels, New Plays, and other Bagatelles, just imported and sold by James Rivington-as The Memoirs of Lady Audley-The Journey of Dr. Robert Bon Gout and his lady to Bath, and plays of the very pleasant Master Samuel Foot, now first published." We have also "Dr. Smollett's pleasant expedition of Humphrey Clinker,"-and "the facetious history of Peregrine Pickle." All things are as pleasant as possible to his friends in Rivington's paper. But as a salad is worth nothing without a few drops of vinegar, that ingredient is supplied at the cost of the great Dr. Johnson. There is advertised, in 1780-" a Journey to the Western Isles of Scotland, a very sour performance published by the celebrated Dr. Samuel Johnson, author of a lusty Dictionary of the English language." In his paper of May 3, 1780, Rivington offers for sale "Lord Clarendon's History of the Grand Rebellion which the vandals of America are apeing;" but this, perhaps, was a treasonable compliment to the "rebels," with a wink over the pen to Washington!

He had not, however, all the laughter to himself. The grave and venerable Witherspoon, who never threw away a joke in an unprofitable way, though he had always wit at cominand, wrote a Supplication of J. R—, a parody of Rivington's Petition to Congress, which must have stirred the gall of its victim, as it tickled the midriff of all who knew the man. It purports to be addressed to his Excellency Henry Laurens, Esquire, President and others, the members of the Honorable the American Congress, &c., and thus at the opening, Respectfully Sheweth:

That a great part of the British forces has already left this city, and from many symptoms there is reason to suspect, that the remainder will speedily follow them. Where they are gone or going, is perhaps known to themselves, perhaps not; certainly, however, it is unknown to us, the loyal inhabitants of the place, and other friends of government who have taken refuge in it, and who are therefore filled with distress and terror on the unhappy occasion.

That as soon as the evacuation is completed, it is more than probable the city will be taken possession of by the forces of your high mightinesses, followed by vast crowds of other persons-whigs by nature and profession-friends to the liberties, and

*Sedgwick's Livingston, pp. 247, 838.

foes to the enemies of America. Above all, it will undoubtedly be filled with shoals of Yankies, that is to say, the natives and inhabitants (or as a great lady in this metropolis generally expresses it, the wretches) of New-England.

That from several circumstances, there is reason to fear that the behavior of the wretches aforesaid, may not be altogether gentle to such of the friends of government as shall stay behind. What the government powers of the state of New-York may do also, it is impossible to foretell. Nay, who knows but we may soon see, propria persona, as we have often heard of Hortensius, the governor of New-Jersey, a gentleman remarkable for severely handling those whom he calls traitors, and indeed who has exalted some of them (quanquam animus meminisse horret lectuque refugit) to a high, though dependent station, and brought America under their feet, in a sense very different from what Lord North meant when he first used that celebrated expression.

That your petitioner, in particular, is at the greatest loss what to resolve upon, or how to shape his course. He has no desire at all, either to be roasted in Florida, or frozen to death in Canada or Nova Scotia. Being a great lover of fresh cod, he has had thoughts of trying a settlement in Newfoundland, but recollecting that the New-England men have almost all the same appetite, he was obliged to relinquish that project entirely. If he should go to Great-Britain, dangers no less formidable present themselves. Having been a bankrupt in London, it is not impossible that he might be accommodated with a lodging in Newgate, and that the ordinary there might oblige him to say his prayers, a practice from which he hath had an insuperable aversion all his life long.

He urges "sundry reasons " for leniency, one of which is the following:

Any further punishment upon me, or any other of the unhappy refugees who shall remain in N. York, will be altogether unnecessary, for they do suffer and will suffer from the nature of the thing, as much as a merciful man could wish to impose upon his greatest enemy. By this I mean the dreadful mortification (after our past puffing and vaunting) of being under the dominion of the Congress, seeing and hearing the conduct and discourse of the friends of America, and perhaps being put in mind of our own, in former times. You have probably seen many of the English newspapers, and also some of mine, and you have among you the few prisoners who by a miracle escaped death in our hands. By all these means you may learn with what infinite contempt, with what provoking insult, and with what unex ampled barbarity, your people have, from the beginning to the end, been treated by the British officers, excepting a very small number, but above all by the tories and refugees, who not having the faculty of fighting, were obliged to lay out their whole wrath and malice in the article of speaking. I remember, when one of the prisoners taken after the gallant defence of Fort Washington had received several kicks for not being in his rank, he said, is this a way of treating a gentleman? The answer was, gentleman? G-d- your blood, who made you a gentleman! which was heard by us all present with unspeakable satisfaction, and ratified by general applause. I have also seen one of your officers, after long imprisonment, for want of clothes, food and lodging, as meagre as a skeleton and as dirty and shabby as a London beggar, when one of our friends would say with infinite humour, look you there is one of King Cong's ragged rascals. You must re

member the many sweet names given you in print, in England and America, Rebels, Rascals, Raggamuffins, Tatterdemallions, Scoundrels, Blackguards, Cowards, and Poltroons. You cannot be ignorant how many and how complete victories we gained over you, and what a fine figure you made in our narratives. We never once made you to retreat, seldom even to fly as a routed army, but to run of into the woods, to scamper away through the fields, and to take to your heels as usual. You will probably soon see the gazette account of the defeat of Mr. Washington at Monmouth. There it will appear how you scampered off, and how the English followed you and mowed you down, till their officers, with that humanity which is the characteristic of the na tion, put a stop to this carnage, and then by a masterly stroke of generalship, stole a march in the night, lest you should have scampered back again and obliged them to make a new slaughter in the morning.

Now, dear gentlemen, consider what a miserable affair it must be for a man to be obliged to apply with humility and self-abasement to those whom he hath so treated, nay, even to beg life of them, while his own heart upbraids him with his past conduct, and perhaps his memory is refreshed with the repe tition of some of his rhetorical flowers. It is generally said that our friend Burgoyne was treated with abundance of civility by General Gates, and yet I think it could not be very pleasing to him to see and hear the boys when he entered Albany, going before and crying Elbow Room for General Burgoyne there. Fear and trembling have already taken hold of many of the Refugees and friends of government in this place. It would break your hearts to hear poor Sam. Sof Philadelphia, weeping and wailing, and yet he was a peaceable Quaker who did nothing in the world but hire guides to the English parties who were going out to surprise and butcher you. My brother of trade, G is so much affected, that some say he has lost, or will soon lose, his reason. For my own part I do not think I run any risk in that respect. All the wisdom that I was ever possessed of is in me still, praised be God, and likely to be so.

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I have heard some people say that dishonor was worse than death, but with the great Sancho Pancha, I was always of a different opinion. I hope, therefore, your honors will consider my sufferings as sufficient to atone for my offences, and allow me to continue in peace and quiet, and according to the NorthBritish proverb, sleep in a whole skin.

And does not forget his lighter accomplishments:

I beg leave to suggest, that upon being received into favor, I think it would be in my power to serve the United States in several important respects. I believe many of your officers want politeness. They are like old Cincinnatus, taken from the plow; and therefore must still have a little roughness in their manners and deportment. Now, I myself am the pink of courtesy, a genteel, portly, well-looking fellow, as you will see in a summer's day. I understand and possess the bienscance, the manner, the grace, so largely insisted on by Lord Chesterfield; and may without vanity say, I could teach it better than his lordship, who in that article has remarkably failed. I hear with pleasure, that your people are pretty good scholars, and have made particularly very happy advances in the art of swearing, so essentially necessary to a gentleman. Yet I dare say they will themselves confess, that they are still in this respect far inferior to the English army. There is, by all accounts, a coarseness and sameness in their

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