gers of Russian ascendency. Harper made an elaborate reply, and Walsh responded with a second letter, after which the speech with the correspondence was published in a volume. Towards the close of his life Harper became an active member of the American Colonization Society, a scheme in which he took a deep interest, not only on national grounds but from his fondness for the study of the geography of Africa. A long and valuable letter from his pen on the subject appeared in the first Report of the Association in 1818. On the fifteenth of January, 1825, while reading his newspaper after breakfast, he fell, was caught in the arms of his son, and a few minutes after died of a disease of the heart. He published at various periods a number of speeches and addresses on the politics of the day. His Select Works, consisting of Speeches on Political and Forensic Subjects, with the Answer drawn up by him to the articles of impeachment against Judge Chase and sundry political tracts, collated from the original publications and carefully revised, vol. i., appeared in Baltimore in 1814. It opens with an Address to his constituents, dated December 17, 1795, on the Treaty of November, 1794, in which he gives his reasons for advocating the measure, and pays an eloquent tribute to John Jay. But, fellow-citizens, let me ask you, and let me appeal to your calm dispassionate judgment for an answer, let me ask you, can these frightful events, these destructive consequences be justly apprehended from a treaty, the whole commercial part of which is to expire at the end of twelve years, and may be terminated by ourselves within two years after the close of the present war? Can any possible operation of a treaty, admitting it to be a disadvantageous, a: unwise one, so soon destroy, so speedily ruin, or even in so short a period materially injure the agriculture, the manufactures, the commerce of America, which during the present universal shock in Europe, and under the depredations of all parties, have flourished and increased beyond all former example? I confess I cannot conceive it. Let me further ask you, fellow-citizens, what reasons there are to believe that Mr. Jay would conclude, Major Pinckney approve, two thirds of the Senate sanction, and the President finally ratify a treaty, "degrading to the national honour, and dangerous to the political existence of the United States;" a treaty containing " a prostitution of their sovereignty, and a wanton sacrifice of their rights;" a treaty which "admits another government to control the legislative functions of the Union," "prostitutes the dearest rights of freemen, and lays them prostrate at the feet of royalty?" Mr. Jay had a reputation to support, a reputation gained by a long and active public life; would he blast it at once? He has a family growing up around him; would he throw a gloom over all their opening prospects, and nip the bud of their prosperity, by an act which must involve himself and them in one common disgrace? He held a distinguished office, from which the voice of his country might remove him; would he raise the voice of that country against him, by "prostituting its sovereignty, and making a wanton sacrifice of its rights?" At the time when he agreed to this treaty, at the time when he dispatched it to the United States, at the time when without unforeseen and accidental delays it must have arrived and been made public, at that time he was a candidate for an high office in his own state, to which he could be raised only by the approbation of his fellow-citizens at large; would he ensure their disapprobation by betraying their dearest interests? He was opposed by a numerous and powerful party, by a popular and respectable competitor; would he furnish this opposition with irresistible arms against himself, by an act which must have drawn on him the public execration? He is said to be a candidate for the highest trust his country can bestow, a candidate in opposition to men distinguished throughout Europe as well as America, for their talents and their virtues; would he for ever blast whatever prospects he may have, by agreeing to " admit another government to control the legislative functions of his country?" No, fellowcitizens! The stations which Mr. Jay has filled, the long period for which he has enjoyed a spotless repu tation and possessed the confidence of his country, argue at least a common portion of talents and inte grity; and a man must be depraved and foolish to an unusual degree, who, situated as Mr. Jay was, could consent to so atrocious an act as the treaty is represented: could consent to "degrade the national honour, endanger the political existence, and destroy the agricultural, manufacturing, commercial, and shipping interests" of his country: foolish if he could consent to it without seeing its tendency, and both foolish and depraved if he saw it and yet consented. We have next Observations on the Dispute between the United States and France, addressed to his constituents and published in 1797; followed by a speech on the necessity of resisting the aggressions and encroachments of France on the Constitutional powers of the President and Senate in the appointment of foreign ministers; an argument in the case of William Blount's Impeachment on the question whether a Senator of the United States be liable to impeachment, delivered January 5, 1799; a letter dated March 5, 1800, enumerating the services of the Federal party to the United States; a speech in favor of a bill to prevent "unauthorized correspondence with any foreign government, with intent to influence its conduct towards the United States, or to defeat the measures of our own government," in which he comments with severity on Mr. Gallatin. The volume closes with a speech in favor of the continuance of the Sedition Law, delivered January 1, 1801, in which he advocates his views with eloquence. We are called on, sir, for the reasons why this act should now be continued. I will give my reasons most freely. Whether they be the same with those which actuate the conduct of other gentlemen, I know not, but in my mind they deserve all consideration. I wish to revive this law, sir, as a shield for the liberty of the press, and the freedom of opinion; as a protection to myself, and those with whom I have the happiness and the honor to think on public affairs, should we at any future time be compelled by the imbecility or the mistakes of any future administration in this country, to commence an opposition against it: not a factious, profligate, and unprincipled opposition, founded on falsehood and misrepresentation, and catching at the passions and the prejudices of the moment; but a manly, dignified, candid, and patriotic opposition, addressed to the good sense and virtue of the nation, and resting on the basis of argument and truth. Should that time ever arrive, as it may arrive, though I earnestly pray that it may not, I wish to have this law, which allows the truth to be given in evidence on i diet ments for libels, I wish to have this law as a shield. When indicted myself, for calmly and candidly exposing the errors of government, and the incapacity of those who govern, I wish to be enabled, by this law, to go before a jury of my country, and say that what I have written is true. I wish to interpose this law between the freedom of discussion, and the overbearing sway of that tyrannical spirit, by which a certain political party in this country is actuated; that spirit which arrogating to itself to speak in the name of the people, like fanaticism arrogating to itself to speak in the name of God, knows neither moderation, mercy, nor justice; regards neither feeling, principle, nor right, and sweeps down with relentless fury, all that dares to detect its follies, oppose its progress, or resist its domination. It is my knowledge of this spirit, sir, of its frantic excesses, its unfeeling tyranny, and its intolerable revenge, that makes me anxious to raise this one mound between its fury and public liberty; to put into the hands of free discussion, one shield against its darts. This shield, I have little doubt, will at length, and perhaps very soon, be torn away; for the spirit of which I speak, goaded by conscious inferiority, stimulated to madness by the envy of superior talents, reputation, and virtue, knows to brook no check upon its power, no censure upon its excesses. will not sanction my own death by my own voice. I will not yield one barrier to freedom and the right to opinion, while I can defend it. I regard this law as such a barrier; feeble, perhaps, and ineffectual to check the progress of that tyrannical spirit, which even now can scarce restrain its rage; but though feeble yet dear to freedom, and never to be abandoned by freedom's friends. And in order to keep up this barrier to the last, I shall now, while I may, vote for the continuance of that law, which mitigates the rigor of the common law in this respect, and protects the liberty of the press and of opinion, by enacting that the truth may be given in evidence, on indictments for libels against the government. But I Mr. Harper was much esteemed for his moral worth, his readiness to aid his friends, his cheerfulness and geniality. His conversational powers were as marked as his ease and freedom in public discourse, and his society was, on this account, much sought after. The hospitalities of his mansion were ample, and its charities free and liberal. In person he was tall and well proportioned, and his health, until within two or three years of his death, when his constitution was much injured by an attack of bilious fever, excellent. MATHEW CAREY. MATHEW CAREY, a voluminous political writer and extensive publisher, was born in Dublin, Ireland, January 28, 1760. His father, a baker who had accumulated a handsome fortune by the successful prosecution of his trade, bestowed upon his five sons a liberal education. Mathew evinced at an early age an aptitude for the study of langnages, but made little progress in mathematics. At the age of fifteen he chose the business of printer and bookseller as his future calling against the wishes of his father, who offered him the choice of any of twenty-five other trades. At the age of seventeen he commenced his career as an author by the publication of an essay on Duelling in the Hibernian Gazette. In 1779 he published a pamphlet on the oppression of the Irish Catholics by the penal code, the advertisement of which was so emphatically worded as to attract the attention of the Irish Parliament. The publication was suppressed, and the author would have been prosecuted had he not after a few days' concealment been sent to Paris by his friends. Here he became acquainted with Dr. Franklin, who gave him employment at his printing-office at Passy. At the end of a year he returned unmolested, and was engaged as the conductor of a paper called the Freeman's Journal. On the 13th of October, 1783, he published the first number of a paper of his own, the Volun teer's Journal, the means for the enterprise having been furnished by his father. It soon had a larger circulation than any newspaper but one in Dublin, and was largely instrumental in forwarding the plans of the Irish Volunteers. It was not long suffered to escape the attention of the government. An attack on the parliament and premier in the number of April 5, 1784, was followed by an indictment for libel. He was brought before the House of Commons on the 19th of April, and imprisoned by the sentence of that body in Newgate, where he "lived joyously-companies of gentlemen occasionally dining with him on the choicest luxuries the markets could afford," until the 14th of May, when the authority of Parliament to imprison terminating with their adjournment, he was liberated by the Lord Mayor. A prosecution for the libel on the premier was, however, still hanging over his head, and as his funds had been nearly exhausted in the establishment of his newspaper, the fine consequent on a conviction would have heavily embarrassed him. By the advice of his friends he again withdrew from the country, and embarked in female dress on board a vessel for Philadelphia, his choice of that city having been determined by reading an account of his own trial in one of its newspapers. The account would, he thought, make him known and secure him friends. After having been run ashore by a drunken pilot in ascending the Delaware, the ship landed her passengers, November 1, 1784. It happened that a fellow-passenger, by the name of Wallace, brought with him a letter to General Washington. Presenting himself at Mount Vernon, he found Lafayette making his farewell visit. The Marquis, who had read the account of Carey in the Philadelphia papers, inquired what had become of him, and was informed of his arrival. A short time after Lafayette visited Philadelphia, sent for Carey, and learning that he was desirous to establish a newspaper, promised to recommend him to Robert Morris and other influential men. The next morning Carey received a letter from the General inclosing $400, a sum which he had the satisfaction of repaying on the General's visit to the country in 1824. On the 25th of the following January he issued the first number of the Pennsylvania He rald. It soon obtained a reputation by its publication of the debates of the House of Assembly, reported by the editor, as well as by its spirited conduct, which, in the same year, involved its conductor in a controversy with Colonel Oswald the editor of a journal supported by the Republican or democratic party, leading to a duel in which Carey was wounded a little above the knee. an injury from which he suffered for more than a year. In October, 1786, he commenced, with several partners, the publication of the Colu bian Magazine, a monthly. The associates disagreeing he withdrew in December, and in the next January commenced the American Museum, a monthly magazine, intended, as he informs us, "to preserve the valuable fugitive essays that appeared in the newspapers.' It was continued with very indifferent success, but with marked ability, for six years. The volumes contain a greater mass of interesting and valuable literary and historical matter, than is to be found in any other of our early American magazines. In 1791 he married Miss B. Flahavan. On the discontinuance of the Museum he commenced business as a bookseller on an humble scale, a large portion of his stock consisting of spelling-books. He was present, he informs us, for twenty-five years at the opening of his store, and uniting enterprise with thrift, established one of the most important publishing houses in the Union. In 1793, during the prevalence of the yellow fever, he was an active member of the Committee of Health, and by his personal observation, in visiting and attending the sick, accumulated a quantity of information, which he collected in a large pamphlet, on the rise, progress, effects, and termination of the disease, of which four editions were sold. He was, in the same year, the founder of the Hibernian Society for the relief of emigrants from Ireland; and in 1796 united with some half dozen citizens, under the lead of Bishop White, in the formation of the first Sunday-school society in the United States. He became about the same time involved in a controversy with William Cobbett. In 1802 he issued an edition in quarto of the Bible, called the standing edition, from the circumstance of the entire volume being kept in type to supply the demand for re-impressions. With the exception of Luther's Bible, the type of which is said to have been left standing for over a century, this is believed to have been the first edition of the Holy Scriptures thus issued. The invention of stereotyping soon after obviated the necessity of so costly an expedient. On the first of June of the same year the booksellers and printers of the Union met in New York, at the suggestion of Mr. Carey, under whose guidance an association similar to the Book Fairs of Germany was formed, under the presidency of their oldest associate, Hugh Gaine. The plan did not work well, and after four or five years was abandoned, its place being subsequently occupied by the Trade Sales. In 1806, while a member of the Select Council of Philadelphia, Mr. Carey published a pamphlet in favor of subjecting personal property to taxation as well as real estate. An ordinance to effect this object was passed by the Select but rejected by the Common Council of the city. In 1810 he again appeared before the public, in opposition to the party with which he was connected, as an advocate for the renewal of the charter of the United States Bank. He conducted his share of the controversy with great energy, writing frequent articles in the newspapers, and publishing pamphlets also of his own composition, which he distributed at his own expense. In 1814 he published the Olive Branch, a work designed to harmonize the two furiously antagonistic parties of the country. Ten editions were exhausted, forming in all ten thousand copies, an immense sale for that period. Its influence was as extensive as VOL. 1.-41 In 1817 the agitation of Catholic emancipation in Ireland urged Carey to the prosecution of a design which he had long had in contemplation. He was still further excited by the publication of Godwin's novel of Mandeville, presenting in powerful colors a view which he considered unjust of the Irish insurrection of 1641. In consequence of this he set to work to prepare an account of his native country which should expose the errors and misstatements of English historians. made a large collection of materials, and planned his work with great deliberation, but sent his manuscript as fast as cach day's work was com-pleted to the printer, so that it was in type almost as soon as written. It appeared under the title of Vindicia Hibernica in 1818, with such: success that four editions were called for. He Mr. Carey shortly after became a warm advocate of a protective tariff. He published from 1819 to 1833 no less than fifty-nine separate pamphlets on this subject, amounting to twenty-three hundred and twenty-two pages. Many of these passed through several editions, were reprinted in newspapers, and regarded as authoritative and valuable exponents of the views they advocated. In addition to these publications Mr. Carey was a frequent advocate in the newspapers of the same opinions. In 1833 and '4 he contributed to the New England Magazine his Autobiography, in an extended and somewhat desultory series of articles. In addition to these literary labors and those connected with his extensive business relations, Mr. Carey was an active advocate of the internal improvements of his city and state, especially of the construction of the Chesapeake and Delaware canal. He was throughout his life a benevolent man, and towards its close his attention was: chiefly devoted to the relief of the many who sought his aid in the furtherance of associations of benevolence. He died in the city with which he had so long and so honora ly identified his interests on the 16th of September, 1839. WILLIAM MUNFORD. WILLIAM MUNFORD was born in Mecklenburg county, Virginia, August 15, 1775. His father, Col. Robert Munford, a distinguished patriot of the Revolution, was the author of two dramatic compositions, entitled "The Candidate" and "The Patriots," illustrating the political corruption of his day, which, with some minor poems, were published at Petersburg, Va., in 1798.* The son, early left by his father's death in the charge of his mother, a lady of superior accomplishments, was educated at William and Mary, where he was the pupil of the eminent George Wythe, from whom he derived a taste for classical literature, which accompanied him through life. Having further studied law with Wythe, at the early age of twenty-one, in 1797, he was elected to the House of Delegates from his native county, and after a service of four years was chosen a senator from the district. In that body he also served a term of four years, and, at the end of that period was elected a member of the Privy Council of State, when he changed his residence to Richmond. He continued in the Council until the year 1811, when he received the honorable and lucrative appointment of Clerk of the Ilouse of Delegates, an office which he held till his death. Besides the faithful discharge of these public trusts, he reported for several years the decisions of the Supreme Court of Appeals in Virginia, of which four volumes, from 1806 to 1809, were prepared in conjunction with William W. Hening, and six, from 1810 to 1820, were from his own pen. He was likewise one of the chosen assistants of Benjamin Watkins Leigh, in the revision of the Virginia Statute Laws in 1819. His literary productions were, an early volume of Poems and Compositions in Prose on Several Occasions, published at Richmond in 1798, which includes a tragedy, "Almoran and Hamet," seval versifications of Ossian, translations from Horace, and a number of occasional poems, patriotic and satirical. As juvenile verses they show some crudity, while the selection of subjects is creditable to the tastes of the writer. In 1806, he delivered in the capitol at Richmond, a funeral eulogium on his venerable friend Chancellor Wythe. His chief literary work, to which he gave the leisure of his life, was his translation of the Iliad of Homer into blank verse, which he completed, but which was not published till after his death. It is sometimes a spirited, generally a correct, and throughout a pains-taking version; if lacking in that poetic gusto which is requisite to reproduce the rare qualities of the original, it is at least an honorable addition to a life of professional occupation, and may be read with satisfaction. At the time of undertaking it, the author tells us, he had not seen the translation in similar measure by Cowper. On its publication, it had Griswold's Poets of America, p. 8. + Sanderson's Lives of the Signers, ii. 176. Homer's Illal: translated by William Munford. 2 vols. Bro. Boston: Little & Brown. 1846. Munford died at his residence in Richmond, June 21, 1825. THE GODS MINGLING IN THE BATTLE-FROM THE TWENTIETH BOOK OF THE ILIAD. They, with minds Discordant, hasten'd to the scene of strife; Juno and Pallas to Achaia's fleet, With Neptune, girder of the spacious globe, Hermes, benevolent and wise, of arts Inventor, Vulcan, terrible in strength, Rolling dread threatening eyes, but lame of foot, And dragging after him di-torted limbs; But, to the host of Troy, Mars, rapidly His crested helmet shaking, Phoebus, bright, With locks unshorn, Diana, glorying In bows and arrows keen; Latona fair, Their honor'd mother; Xanthus, river god, And lovely Venus queen of heavenly smiles, While yet the gods from men apart remain, The Greeks exult with joy unlimited, That great Achilles in their van appears, Achilles, absent long from horrid fight! Not so the Trojans, they cold tremor felt In every limb; for, terror-struck, they saw The swift Pelides, blazing in his arms, Dreadful as Mars, the bane of human kind! But when the gods, among the throng of men Embattled, came, then raging Discord rose, Rousing the nations. Fierce Minerva, then, Shouted terrific; now beside the fosse Fronting the wall, now near the sounding shore She stood, and rais'd her loud tremendous voice. This awful shout, Mars, opposite, return'd, Terrific as a roaring midnight storm, From Ilion's towery height, with outery shrill, The Trojan host encouraging, and thence Flying to Simois, and the beauteous mount Callicolone. Thus the blessed gods, Exciting Troy and Greece, both armies urg'd To fell contention; and, with horrid shock, They rush'd against each other. Dread, above, Thunder'd the awful sire of men and gods! Beneath, stern Neptune shook the boundless earth, And bent the summits of her highest hills; Huge Ida's deep foundations, and her cliffs, Sources of many rolling rivers, all Were shaken, with the Trojan city, too, And navy of the Greeks. The king of shades, Tremendous Pluto, in the nether realm, That dire concussion felt, and from his throne Affrighted leap'd, and gave a fearful cry; Lest he that shakes the solid globe should rend Its mighty mass asunder, and, to sight Of mortals and immortals, open lay The dark abodes of terror, loathsome, foul, Which e'en the gods themselves with horror view. Such was the wild commotion, when the gods That conflict join'd; for radiant Phœbus, arm'd With winged arrows, ocean's king oppos'd, And sage Minerva strove with furious Mars; The golden-quiver'd huntress with bent bow, And echoing horn, rousing the woodlands wide, Diana, sister of the god of day, N. A. Rev., No. 182. Whig Review, Oct. 1946, Chris Ex., Sep. 1846, Defied imperial Juno; Hermes, sire PAUL ALLEN. PAUL ALLEN was born at Providence, R. I., on the fifteenth day of February, 1775. Soon after the completion of his education at Brown University, in 1796, he removed to Philadelphia, where he became a contributor to the Port Folio and the United States Gazette. In 1801, he published a small volume, Original Poems, Serious and Entertaining (printed by Joshua Cushing, Salem). He also prepared for the press by re-writing the Journal of Lewis and Clark's Expedition. He seems to have been more conscientious in this performance under the names of others than under his own, as he about the same time issued proposals for a Life of Washington, and received a large number of subscribers, without having written a line, or made the least preparatory study for the work. It was promised season after season, while the author still neglected to put pen to paper, or consult a single volume in fulfilment of his contract. Holley After the publication of Lewis and Clark's Travel, he was engaged as an editor of the Federal Republican newspaper; but a disagreement with his associates led to a separation, which was followed by a period of mental hallucination and poverty so extreme that he was imprisoned for a debt of thirty dollars. His friends rallied to his aid and started a paper, the "Journal of the Times," for the sake of giving him an editorial chair. The project was unsuccessful, but a second attempt at Baltimore, the Morning Chronicle, secured him a support by its wide circulation. It was then resolved to bring out the long promised life of Washington. It was written by Neal and Watkins, and appeared under the name of Allen, who wrote a page or two of the preface, in two volumes, in 1821. John Neal did his friend another equally good service, by reducing his poem of Noah, it having been submitted to his revision, to one fifth of its original dimensions. As this fifth, which was published in 1821, contains five cantos, and would be improved by a second reduction, the poem in its primeval proportions must have been peculiarly suggestive in quality and quantity, as well as title, of the event it celebrates. It began with the small drop of "a little sonnet addressed to a dove," which it was the author's "first impression," as he naively states in his preface, "would comprehend and exhaust all that he should have to say upon the subject." The poem as published commences, whether owing to Mr. Neal's clippings we know not, with the sending forth of the Raven. The other events of the Bible narrative follow in due sequence; but an episode occupying the fourth canto is introduced, directed against the disbelievers in the unity of the race. The author claims the merit of simplicity in his preface, and is fairly entitled to do so. The general course of the verse is pleasing, and we occasionally meet with happy lines like this And each loud rain-drop beats a funeral knell. His description of the exodus of the animals from the Ark is spirited, but contains occasional couplets, which, however true to nature, have slight connexion with poetry. The Elephant. What venturous son of Adam dares oppose, Take warning from the brutes, behold they stir, Come, let thy social tail express to all The career of the offspring of Japhet, by which the author represents his own countrymen, is one of the best passages in the Poem. It is followed by a contest between the lion and eagle, British and American. The former, to Noah's dismay, attacks Japhet's son, and the latter thus comes to the rescue. He prayed, then paused, and lo! the Zodiac rings THE CHILD OF JAPHET. A boy the wondering Patriarch next descried, Onward he passed-and Noah saw with fear, |