and the Boxer disturbances demonstrated that her soldiers can hold their own with European troops. What will the future bring forth, and what will be the state of things at the close of the four years, when the Anglo-Japanese Alliance completes its term? In answer to these questions, the opinions of a leading Japanese diplomat may be quoted:" At the present moment Russia is not at all in good favour with Japan, owing partly to her Manchurian policy, no doubt, but also to mistakes that have occurred more frequently of late than usual, though naturally unintentionally, on the part of her diplomatic representatives in Tokyo. Her last Minister to Tokyo was not in the least sympathetic to the Japanese, and it was only through the personal power of the First Secretary that Russia possessed any influence. This secretary had been able to influence some of the elder statesmen to admit the value of an alliance with Russia, and he hoped that the visit of Marquis Ito to Europe would see the consummation of his work. The Anglo-Japanese Alliance proved that he had miscalculated the influence he possessed to sway Japan, and both he and M. Isvolsky, the Minister, were recalled. Then the unprecedented course was adopted by Count Lamsdorff, of sending to Tokyo, as Russian representative for the second time, the Baron Rosen. Baron Rosen was always most sympathetic to the Japanese, and in his past reputation must be sought the reason for this unprecedented action on the part of the Russian Foreign Office. Before leaving for Japan, Baron Rosen visited France, and after an official visit to M. Delcassé, had a prolonged talk with M. Hanotaux, who, as Minister of Foreign Affairs in France, was distinguished for his Anglophobe tendencies. France and Russia work excellently together in Peking, why should they not do so in Tokyo? Russia understands the policy of the bully and the flatterer, and does not lose much by it, save when she is served by unskilful agents. Being so disagreeable she has grown to possess, for the Japanese statesmen, the character of one whom it is better to conciliate when angry. By such aggressive opposition Russia was able to prevent the building of so vital an enterprise as the Seoul-Fusan Railway by the Japanese for a long period of time, though there was no visible cause why she should have a right to express any opinion of Japanese actions in an independent country. On the other hand, it is interesting to note that when M. Kurino arrived in St. Petersburg as Japanese Minister, just after the Anglo-Japanese Alliance had been announced, Count Lamsdorff gave him an official banquet, an honour that had never before been shown to any diplomat less in rank than an ambassador. This is the best of policy on the part of Russia. Take again her action in providing a special train and honours for Prince Komatsu, as he passed through Russia on his way back to Japan on his return from England after the postponed Coronation. These are details, but they have their effect, and during the next four years Russia will ever increase her efforts to bring home to Japan the value of a Russo-Japanese Alliance, and in this work she will receive the assistance of France. With Baron Rosen at Tokyo, Russia is assured of an intelligent channel through which to pour her honeyed words and actions. No opportunity will be lost of gaining control over Japanese statesmen, by bullying or flattery, so that the Anglo-Japanese Alliance may not be renewed. It is most probable that since Russia has given to the Japanese Emperor every decoration to the very highest, she will propose as yet another mark of friendliness, to raise her Minister to Japan to the rank of an Ambassador. Such an act would be a most diplomatic move, since she would secure the right of precedence, and gain the distinction of being the first to recognise Japan diplomatically as on an equality with herself. Deep as would be the effect of such an action on Russia's part, and however much it might influence the politicians, the feeling of the army and the navy is in favour of England, not Russia, and the common people to a man are violent Russophobes." This statement as to Russian action has been practically demonstrated, if Reuter's Berlin telegram of June 19th may be believed. This states that General Kouropatkin, Russian Minister for War, has just visited Japan for the purpose of offering material advantages in return for the substitution of a Russo-Japanese Alliance in place of the English-Japanese Alliance. Another striking proof of the soundness of the statements of the Japanese authority quoted, may be gained by the fact that while the Russian Minister of War was being fêted at Tokyo, Admiral Yamamoto, Minister of Marine, and probable future Prime Minister, who may be taken as typifying the naval and military feeling in Japan, was making a tour of inspection around the naval bases and dockyards, and did not return to Tokyo. As to what should be the action of England to counteract the campaign of "soft sawder" on the part of Russia, England would do well to consider the difference in the relations between Russia and Japan, and of England and Japan. One difference is to be found in the deep-rooted belief of the Japanese people in the power possessed by kings in matters of state. In Japan the Emperor is supreme, and in Russia the Tsar works hand in hand with the Foreign Office. If it is necessary for Russia's foreign policy that a Minister or a visitor should receive a good impression, it is not at all unusual for the Tsar to single him out at a reception for a special mark of consideration. And the Japanese cannot understand how in England the Court is so distinct from Downing Street. The King of England is loved by his people more than the Tsar, therefore they say he must be much more powerful. Having this idea, they look for special marks of courtesy to the Japanese people as the highest rewards obtainable, and are disappointed when they look in vain. The fact that after the conclusion of the Anglo-Japanese Treaty no special official regard was paid to the Japanese representative at the Court of St. James, was quite incomprehensible to them, though the approbation of the British people at large produced a great effect. The granting of the G.C.B. to the Marquis Ito, on his last visit to London, by the King's own initiative, the Foreign Office having nothing to do with the matter, gave greater satisfaction than any other action of the Government. There ought to be established an Embassy in Tokyo at once, so that whatever happens later, the British Embassy will always rank first, surely only a just mark of consideration from Japan's Ally. If England were to induce the Australian Commonwealth to make special arrangements for Japanese subjects wishing to enter Australia, it would be deeply appreciated, for the action of the Australian Governments with regard to the immigration of Japanese subjects. is a very sore point with the Japanese, who cannot understand why an entire race should fall under the limitations of a law established for the protection of labour conditions in the interests of the white workman. Every other country to which Japan has Ministers accredited, has shown their appreciation of their services by decorating them. In England the present Japanese Minister has never received a decoration, although knighthoods have been bestowed upon more than one Chinaman. The Emperor of Japan, the ruler over one of the most enlightened States of the present day, and the ally of England's King, has never received the Order of the Garter, while the Shah, ruler over an Oriental chaos, has just been granted this great honour. It would be well if this oversight could be rectified at once, but it must be remembered, on the other hand, that the serious thinkers of Japan realise that Japan's greatest danger lies at the present moment in a tendency to contented apathy, feeling that England, being not only friendly, but in alliance with her, there is no obligation on her part to show further consideration, or to maintain a strenuous outlook against possible inimical encroachments upon the state of affairs existing at present. ALFRED STEAD. A CENTURY OF "NEWDIGATES." THE century is the recognised unit of the statistician: and at the end of the nineteenth century the Newdigate Prize Poem at Oxford was awarded for the hundredth time. It is possible to generalise with some equanimity from a hundred poets, and to estimate the services which Sir Roger Newdigate's benefaction has or has not rendered to English letters. But to be somewhat more accurate, it should be mentioned that the Newdigate had been won by ninety-nine poets, inasmuch as one poet, Matthew Rolleston, Fellow of University College, won the prize in two successive years. Still if anyone stickles for the full complement of 100 poets, I would refer him to the audacious Miss Rachel Burton, nicknamed "Jack," daughter of a Canon of Christchurch, who early in the last century sent in a Newdigate to which the prize was awarded, till the judges discovered the authorship.1 The proverb "Palmam qui meruit ferat” knows no feminine at Oxford. The prize had been competed for 101 times. For one subject, "Cæsar's Invasion of Britain," beggared the poetic faculties of the entire University in 1849, although many copies of verses were sent in. Moreover, the first six poems were not on the Newdigate foundation, and were separated by intervals of many years. The first prize was offered in 1768, for a poem on the "Conquest of Quebec." The two next prizes were offered in 1771 and 1772. In 1772 the prize was for a poem on the "Beneficial Effects of Inoculation," quite the most absurd subject which has ever been selected. One might as well write a poem on the muzzling order. The treatment was in the heroic vein Oft as the swain beneath the citron shade And each persuasive sigh was charged with death. In 1791 the prize was given by George Simon, Earl Harcourt, for a poem on the " Aboriginal Britons," by George Richards, Fellow of Oriel, and afterwards Bampton Lecturer; and this was the beginning of a lifelong friendship between the two. The poem came under the notice of Byron, De Morgan, and Charles Lamb, who calls it "the most spirited" of these productions. 1803 saw the most successful poem of the whole series, that on "Palestine," by Reginald Heber, Bishop of Calcutta. The ex(1) Tuckwell's "Reminiscences of Oxford," p. 8. citement it produced in the theatre was quite extraordinary, and the poem ran through many editions. In those days there were two public rehearsals in the theatre, and so great was the interest in Heber's poem, that even these were well attended.1 At the present day there is one private rehearsal, a very necessary precaution. The Sheldonian Theatre is, perhaps, the worst building for acoustic purposes in the world. The voice becomes trapped in the wooden galleries which are situated in all directions, and it is only by shouting that one can render oneself audible. The rehearsal when the building is empty is still more depressing, as the echo is extraordinary. But one is always comforted by being told that it really does not matter, as the audience do not listen. "Palestine" is the only prize poem which has been extensively quoted. Echoes of it are to be heard in a hundred hymns. "The blood-red banner floating o'er their van," and "Girt with the whirlwind, sandal'd with the storm," will stir up familiar recollections. But the most famous lines are associated with the memory of Sir Walter Scott. He breakfasted with Heber at Brasenose, and pointed out to him that he had not mentioned the fact that no tools were used in the building of the Temple. Heber immediately wrote the well-known lines: No workman steel, no ponderous axes rung, Like some tall palm the noiseless fabric sprung Yet if "Palestine" charmed the Sheldonian by its merits, there was another poem which excited the audience by its associations. The occasion was the installation of the Duke of Wellington as Chancellor, in June, 1834. Joseph Arnould, the Poet Laureate of the South Eastern Circuit, and afterwards Judge of Bombay, recited his poem on the "Hospice of St. Bernard." After describing Napoleon crossing St. Bernard, he proceeded with these lines: When on that field where last the eagle soar'd, The scene that followed is described by Sir John Mowbray, for so many years the valued member for Oxford University: "Then followed such a scene as I never witnessed before or since. I have heard many rousing speeches in both Houses of Parliament, and many harangues which have called forth the enthusiastic applause of great (1) Cox's "Recollections of Oxford,” p. 48. (2) "Seventy Years at Westminster," by Sir John Mowbray, Bart., M.P., 1900, pp. 56, 57. |