I have delayed conveying to your Lordship His Royal Highness's sentiments upon this important Communication, your Lordship's letter of the 7th having acquainted me that Count Nesselrode had proceeded to meet the Emperor of Austria at Gitschin, and that you expected in a few days to be enabled to apprize me, as well of the reception given to these Propositions as of the final intentions of the Austrian Government.

It was the less necessary to accelerate my answer, as it appeared, that no satisfactory opinion could well be given from hence, unless either upon an actual Proposition made to this Government, or upon a more precise knowledge of the sentiments of the several Powers engaged in these discussions.

Any immediate declaration on the part of the British Cabinet appeared the less pressing, as the Point of Spain, on which France had repeatedly declared she would not give way, and on which Great Britain could under no possible circumstances relax, seemed to oppose an insuperable obstacle to accommodation.

So long as the French Army continued to occupy a considerable proportion of Spain, and Joseph to remain in the exercise of authority within that Kingdom, there seemed no probable solution of this difficulty. - As however the rapid and victorious progress of the Allied Armies, under the command of Field Marshal the Marquess of Wellington may at no distant period by the expulsion of the enemy from the Peninsula, give a new shape to this Question, I have received the Prince Regents Commands to convey to your Lordship His Royal Highness's sentiments for your information and guidance.

In the first place your Lordship will inform the Emperor, that, in conformity to the wish some time since expressed by His Imperial Majesty to that effect, it is the intention of the British Government (in the event of the Enemy being expelled from Spain) actively to employ the Allied Armies on that side of France, in such manner as may best serve to occupy the attention and military resources of the Enemy, and thereby to favour the exertions of the Allies in other parts of Europe.

With respect to the negotiations for Peace it is the determination of the Prince Regent not to separate his Interests from those of the Allies; and as His Royal Highness persuades himself that a Peace, in any degree calculated to provide for the common safety, can only be secured by a cordial Union, both of councils and arms, He is disposed to regulate his views, as to the continental objects in which the good Faith and Honour of His own Government are not immediately involved, by what the great Continental Powers shall, under all the circumstances, consider best calculated to provide for their general security and independence.

That your Lordship may be the better enabled to open the Prince Regent's views explicitly to the Emperor of Russia on this subject, I am commanded to state to you, 1st The Points upon which His Royal Highness can under no circumstances relax, the faith of His Government being formally pledged to their inviolable maintenance:

2rd The Points upon which, either on account of Engagements subsisting or implied, or from considerations of paramount policy His Royal Highness feels it necessary to insist in conjunction with His Allies:

3rd The Points which appear to His Royal Highness of the highest moment to be attended to in any general arrangement; but on which, not deeming that Great Britain has the same necessity or duty to insist, His Royal Highness would incline in a great measure to regulate his conduct by the sentiments of those Powers, through whose exertions these Objects can alone successfully be pursued and to whose protection their being secured, is of greater moment than to that of Great Britain.

Under the first Head of Engagements under Treaty, and without which Great Britain cannot be a Party to any Peace, your Lordship may enumerate 1st Spain2rdly Portugal 3rdly Sicily, to be respectively secured under their legitimate Sovereigns, in strict conformity with the subsisting Treaties, and 4thly the fulfilment of our existing Engagements with Sweden.

Your Lordship will under the second Head, inform His Imperial Majesty, that, in order to lay the foundation of some counterpoise in the center of Europe to the Power of France, His Royal Highness deems it indispensably necessary to require, and is prepared in conjunction with his Allies peremptorily to insist upon, the Restoration of the Austrian and Prussian Monarchies to such an extent of Power and Consequence as may enable them to maintain such a counterpoise.

The importance of Holland to the freedom and security of Europe, will make His Royal Highness not less ready to cooperate with his Allies in requiring its liberation from the French Empire, and its recognition and re-establishment as an Independent Power.

His Royal Highness must also expect the complete and absolute Restoration of His Majesty's Hanoverian Dominions.

Under the 3rd Head, your Lordship will bring forward the restoration of the rest of Germany, including Suitzerland and Italy to an order of things more consonant to the common safety. It is unnecessary to press upon your Lordship's attention the extent to which these objects may, in their several degrees, be essentially connected with the freedom and repose of Europe. What may be the means of the Allies, or their determination to contend for them, can alone be judged of when the views of the great Continental Powers are more fully disclosed thus. If Austria comes forward, the attainment of a solid Peace, founded on a basis on which these great objects may all be reasonably provided for seems upon every military calculation within our reach. What may be accomplished without the aid of that Power may be more difficult to pronounce. But your Lordship may assure the Emperor of Russia, that, so long as His Imperial Majesty and the Allies with whom we are at present acting will stand by each other, and by the cause of the Continent against France, they may rely with confidence upon receiving from His Royal Highness the most liberal and decided support.

The expression of the Prince Regent's sentiments at the present moment, must necessarity be general: your Lordship need not however hesitate to assure His Imperial Majesty that Great Britain was never better prepared, or more determined cordially to cooperate with the Continental Powers: - Her exertions in the course of the present year in all quarters will best attest the reliance that may be placed on Her firm and zealous support.

His Royal Highness is nevertheless ready, in conjunction with His Allies to meet a desire of Peace, whenever it shall really disclose itself on the part of the Enemy; and as His Royal Highness has contended for the common safety, so He will be prepared, as far as His separate Interests are concerned, to negociate in the same spirit.

But whilst His Royal Highness does not decline to concur in negociations, He trusts that it may not be made an instrument in the hands of the Enemy to gain time, and your Lordship will urge His Imperial Majesty that the season for active exertion may not be unnecessarily sacrificed by a prolongation of the Armistice.

There is only one other point on which I feel it necessary to caution your Lordship, which is with regard to America; and it is the more necessary you should lose no time in coming to an explicit understanding with His Imperial Majesty on this important subject, as I understand two American Commissioners have arrived in the Baltick, in the hope of being received at the Emperor's Head Quarters.

I am afraid this tender of mediation, which, on a question of maritime right, cannot be listened to by Great Britain, however kindly and liberally intended, will have had the unfortunate effect of protracting the war with the United States. It is to be lamented that the formal offer was made to America before the disposition of the British Government was previously sounded as to it's acceptance of a Mediation. It has enabled the President to hold out to the People of America a vague expectation of Peace under which he may reconcile them, with less repugnance, to submit to the measures of the Government: This evil however cannot now be avoided, and it only remains to prevent this question from producing any embarrassment between Great Britain & Russia.

Your Lordship will be enabled to satisfy the Emperor that, if this is a subject on which the mediation of an ally cannot be accepted, it is still less a question that we could consent to discuss in a general Congress: however ready the Prince Regent will be at all times to treat for Peace with America, and for a settlement of all differences.

Your Lordship will under all these circumstances, press the Emperor of Russia, in the strongest manner, not to push his personal interference on this point further: and as the Maritime Question is one which Buonaparte will endeavour to bring before a Congress, principally in the hope of creating disunion between Great Britain and her Allies, you will use your utmost endeavours to persuade His Imperial Majesty that every consideration of Policy should determine Him pointedly to discountenance a design so mischievously calculated to promote the views of France.

I am, &c.

(Signed) Castlereagh.

Onden, Desterreich u. Preußen 1813. II.

45

76.

Extracts from Despatch No. 79, addressed by Viscount Cathcart to
Viscount Castlereagh.

Reichenbach, August 6, 1815.

"I have the honour herewith to inclose for your Lordship's Information Copy of a Letter from General Nugent."

"The Messenger mails arrived here in the evening of the 31st Ultimo. At an Audience of The Emperor, the following morning, I stated fully to His Imperial Majesty every part of the matter contained in your Lordship's most luminous and most satisfactory Dispatch No. 42.

"His Imperial Majesty declared without reserve, His entire approval of every principle and of every proposition it contained."

My Lord!

77.

General Nugent to Lord Cathcart.

Prague, July 27, 1815.

I would have had before this, the honour to write to your Lordship, but I thought it necessary to wait until I could give you a satisfactory account of Affairs. I can now inform you that Count Metternich told me he entirely approved of the three points your Lordship communicated to him, and of the whole Transaction. As I knew you wish that the thing should be terminated officially, I urged that, and he assured me he would immediately give full faculty to Count Stadion upon the Subject, and that he would agree officially to the three points proposed by answering in the affirmative the three Questions.

I am entirely of your Lordship's opinion that this is a step very difficult to retract and of course of high importance.

As to that part of the money which is destined for the Tyrol, I must observe that perhaps the Arch Duke John cannot as yet appear in the business. It would therefore be necessary to add the Instruction to Mr. Jackson to deliver it to such person or persons as the Arch Duke will approve of, or as may be approved of by the Government, as I expect things will be advanced enough by that time to commit the Government itself.

I shall set off for Vienna this day, and have already written to a confidential person to make the arrangements for arms etc. I shall likewise immediately send the Cypher, and give you the earliest information of every thing that can be of any importance.

I was authorized yesterday to inform Lord Wellington of the intended day, and of the situation of things. I send a person straight across through France. This is a strong proof.

I shall be obliged to remain three or four days at Vienna, and shall be very happy to receive a Letter from your Lordship. I suppose there are often direct opportunities to Count Stackelberg, to whom you could be so good as

to inclose either for Mr Jackson or for me. I shall be there on the 29th in

the morning.

I have &c.

(Signed) Nugent.

July 28.

P. S. Caulaincourt will undoubtedly arrive this day. I expressed to Count M. some doubts which this must naturally raise as to the certainty of war. He said that this would make no alteration, as the proposals were such that they certainly would not be accepted and they would even be still augmented. Your Lordship will however be able to judge better by facts, and by what you can learn where you are, than by this.

I set off to day. My departure was delayed owing to some orders to the President of War, that are given in consequence of your written proposals which have been entirely adhered to.

(Signed) Nugent.