nately of mountain and valley, clothed, indeed, with verdure, but not a tree, a human habitation, or a human being ;" and so he proceeded with his guide till the course led them into a valley, where, "in a region which partook partly of the character of an English quagmire and partly of that of an Irish bog," almost every trace of the narrow pathway-the high road to the republic!—along which they had been travelling, disappeared. Well, on he journeys, and our inquisitive searcher after ancient constitutions speedily comes to the conclusion that this stronghold of time-honoured conservative institutions was "a republic without a road, without a house, without a river, without a trade, without a place of learning, without an educated person!" This picture is a little overcharged; seeing that there are men in the district, it follows that there must be habitations of some sort; in fact there are three villages besides the capital. The nearest was Soldeu, where he had the gratification of learning he could sleep" avec les moutons," beyond that was Canillo, and farther still Encamp. In the former, however, he puts up, sups in the common kitchen with the rest of the inmates by the light of the flambeau of pine wood, and sleeps in the only bedroom of the village. The Syndic or head of the Republic chanced at the time to be rusticating in the neighbourhood of Canillo, and thither, of course, our traveller proceeds to pay his respects. Having ascended a flight of steps of a very rude and unpalatial character, he enters a dark chamber illuminated by the light of the fire; its only furniture were a table and a bench; on the latter two men were sitting, one of them

rose:

He was an intelligent-looking man, of about fifty-five; but with a dark and sunburnt complexion. The expression of his eyes bespoke a kindliness of heart; his manner gave him a certain patriarchal air, dignified, yet simple. He wore a vestiment, which was neither a coat nor a jacket; kneebreeches; shoes and stockings of a rough manufacture; a something of blue which girded his waist, and might have been a twisted apron; and finally, a long-pointed red cap, the extremity of which hung downwards to his shoulders. Ilis dress differed little from that of the peasantry around him, which is not very dissimilar to the dress of the inhabitants of High Catalonia.

This was the Syndic, whose knowledge of sheep was much more profound than his skill in legislation, and whose acquaintance with European politics was just so much as that he knew there was a war between Russia and France, but was ignorant that England was engaged in it. It may be readily conjectured that this simple shepherd-king had not much taste for political disquisitions. Indeed, he seems for a time to have contrived to dodge the troublesome attempts of his over curious visitor to seduce him into a discussion of state affairs; and, in fine, he edified him with some views on commerce and political economy, then (and of course at all times theretofore) in fashion with the worthy Andorrians, that evidently as tonished our English friend. A very amusing account is given of the government house and council chamber in a vein of pleasant humour, which inclines us to the belief that our vivacious traveller put a great deal of solemn hoaxing upon those simple rusties; for instance, he actually induced the good Syndic to attire himself in his robes of state, consisting of a long, black, straight-collared coat, adorned with two rows of buttons of Brobdignagian dimensions, and a low, black turned-up hat-something between an admiral's and a bishop'sand he had finally the effrontery (the · solemn wag, if he be not hoaxing us too), in leave-taking, to assure "His Excellency of the cordiality with which Her Majesty's ministers would receive him, if he should ever visit London in the capacity of represen tative of his country."

Leaving the republic for a season, the author passed into the territory of Urgel, whose bishop, in conjunction with the French government, enjoys a nominal protectorate over Andorre. Upon his return he had the honor to be present at a full assembly of the twenty-four councillors of state on the occasion of a discussion touching the necessary measures for the defence of the state against the irruption of Catalonian brigands. Before we leave the subject of Andorre, we cannot do better than extract from the volume before us some outline of the constitution and history of that singular Republic:

The people of Andorre, according to

The

the earliest charter, owe their independence to an event which threatened the subjuga tion of Europe. The first authentic traditions of the Republic extend beyond the age of Charlemagne, and their earliest written documents bear the signature in behalf of that emperor, of Louis le Debonnaire. The Andorrians and the Catalonians were in those early periods a common race. The whole region of Catalonia being endangered, toward the close of the eighth century, by the progress of the Moorish arms, the population, in 778, sent a deputation to Charlemagne, imploring his support in defence of their independence and of the Christian faith. Frankish king, accompanied by his paladins, crossed the Pyrenees, and united his army in the valley of Urgel with the assembled forces of Catalonia, which chiefly consisted of the mountaineers of the district of Andorre. After a brilliant campaign, he effected the extirpation of the Moors as far as the left bank of the Ebro. He then proceeded to establish a military and political organization for the defence of the invaded territory. He recognised in the Andorrians certain peculiar rights, which he afterwards more clearly defined, and granted at the same time to the bishopric and church of Urgel the tithes of the six parishes into which their valleys were even at that very early period divided. Here, then, arose the germ of the independence of Andorre, and here also the germ of the pretensions which were afterwards displayed by the See of Urgel.

A second irruption of the Moors having again threatened that independence which the institutions of Charlemagne were in. tended to preserve, the Emperor of the Romans entrusted the re-establishment of peace to his son Louis le Debonnaire. The joint authority of Charlemagne and of Louis had rewarded the military services of the Andorrians by the grant of their political independence. The ancient document which founded the Republic of Andorre dates from the year 805, and bears the signature of Louis le Debonnaire, who has always been known to the Republic by the title of Ludovicus Pius.

The original of this deed is still preserved in the archives of the republic, and the author was fortunate enough to be allowed to peruse whatever portion of its contents were still legible. It would appear that Louis acted by the authority of Charlemagne, and the author tells us that the confirmations of this charter are attested by the signatures of the succeeding emperors.

In its conclusion there is a recommendation which, so far as the testimony of the author goes, we would imagine has been very faithfully adopted-namely, that the people of Andorre should "establish an absolute equality of rights in their mutual relations,

and ignore peculiar privileges and distinction of ranks."

This independence was disturbed by assailants, spiritual and temporal. The Bishop of Urgel, on the one hand, asserted the subordination of the Republic to the church, which he enforced by the customary sacerdotal fulminations: on the other hand, Charlemagne the Bald made a grant of the sovereignty to the Count of Urgel as a reward for services. The contest between the two wolves for the unhappy carcase was arranged by their uniting for the purpose of sharing the prey, but that alliance ended as all lupine federations are sure to end, they fought over the spoil, again arranged their difference, and again quarrelled, and when both parties were hausted, they finally settled the matter by establishing a 66 Protectorate in Common ;" and at this day the Court of the Tuilleries and the Bishop of Urgel are the protectors of the Republic. Protection meaning, we presume, the right to levy an annual tribute from a state that needs no other or better protection, than that which nature and their own unobtrusive seclusion affords :

ex

The source of the sovereign authority of Andorre consists in the Legislative Councillor of each district. Their councillors are not absolutely identical, as a body, with the landed proprietors, who are a clan somewhat more numerous. They sit, not in virtue of property or election, but as hereditary legislators. The ancestors of certain families now in possession of a share of the soil, obtained, in whatever manner-and on this point great obscurity generally rests-a right of legisla tion within the district in which their property was situated.

It is competent to the hereditary legisla tors to add to their number, by summoning at any time an unfranchised proprietor to the Council; and as the more ancient and considerable landholders are already found among this body, it has naturally become their practice to elect any excluded member who may approach themselves in point of territorial consideration.

The executive functions of each of their six districts are confided in two Consuls, who are members of the supreme Council.

There is also a central or supreme council of twenty-four in number, and is formed by the representatives of each of the six parishes, consisting of the two consuls and the two ex-consulswhich thus gives the advantage of a continual rotation of members. This council elects the Syndic, whose office

is nominally held at the pleasure of the council, but virtually for life. In relation to the land tenure of Andorre we have some interesting information. A portion, generally the valleys, belong to the State, while the higher lands are individual property. The sub-division of the public lands amongst the parishes, according to their population, and the right of commonage enjoyed by each individual indicate an arrangement as equitable as it is simple, yet capable of existing only in a state whose social polity is of that primitive nature that it neither admits of or requires any complex relations. What is, perhaps, the most surprising, as it will be in the opinion of many the most enviable condition of the Andorrians, is that they have no written law! Should the worthy Syndic in an evil hour be induced to accept the invitation of our author and come to London, how will he look aghast at the gigantic Ossa of our "statutes at large," to say nothing of the Pelion of commentary which our Titantic legists have piled up thereon, in the vain attempt to reach the heaven of justice. No written law! aye, and hear it ye boastful Britons, no trial by jury. Equity and custom, the dictates of their simple consciences, and the usages of the State alone guide the judges in their decisions, and yet it works well, at least so says the writer of this volume.

Another trait which unmistakeably marks the barbarism of Andorre, is this, "With scarcely any exception the duties of the State (are gratui

tously discharged by the authorities on whom they fall!" We rather imagine there is not much competition for the Civil Service, and that competitive examinations are scandalously neglected. But the system is carried further still, and even the soldiers serve gratuitously, the only aid afforded being to individuals who are too poor to purchase the necessary equipments, which in that case are supplied to them by the state.

Upon the whole review of this interesting little community, one cannot help entertaining very serious doubts that their condition would be improved by a participation of the civi lization, such as it is with all its drawbacks-which their neighbours on either side of them possess. Compared with Spain their lot appears to us to be enviable indeed—and a comparison of their contented and peaceful virtue with the misery and demoralisation of the French borderers, affords a contrast decidedly in favour of the state of Andorre. We will sum up in the words in which our author concludes his very pleasant and instructive work, as he estimates the character of the Andorrians :

They possess the intrinsic qualifications in as great a degree as they want the artif cial elements of real wealth. And if there is no community in the world which fully repre sents the conditions of a perfect moral state, yet where can so fair a Utopia be conceived as in the heart of mountains, secluded from the interests and influences of the common world, adorned by the Beautiful in Nature, and peopled by all that is simple, and just, and benevolent in Man?

AFTER the lapse of more than three months from the date of the coup d'état which displaced Espartero, and secured the triumph of O'Donnell as the irresponsible dictator of Spain, the aspect of public affairs has become more unsettled, the existence of the government more doubtful, and its relations to the chief political parties in the state more anomalous than in any former juncture of this period. The suddenness of the coup which broke up the Duke of Victory's administration demolished all those schemes of material and administra

tive reform which had been the result of two years of deliberation, and wholly destroyed the organization of the Progresista party before it had time to recover from the shock. A singular combination of events served at that moment to give stability to the O'Donnell government. Either of the two principal parties in the state were without influential leaders the Progresistas lost their chiefs through defection, and those who had become the prespective commanders of the Moderado camp were proscribed from their native soil. It became,

those whose defection had caused the overthrow of the Progresista ministry, and a few third-rate politicians of the Moderado school, then constituted such a government. It became obvious from the outset, in spite of the rumours which gave O'Donnell credit for intending to maintain an effectually constitutional system of policy, that an administration so formed would be unable to encounter parliamentary opposition, and could exist on despotic principles alone!

The negative and undefined, though nevertheless reactionary, policy pursued by O'Donnell during the first two months of his Dictatorship, clearly implied his indisposition to commit himself to open hostility with either of the two leading parties. While Narvaez and Christina were yet beyond the Pyrenees, there were hopes of successful intrigue with the Moderados, and while the event of their return might compel the government to seek the support of the Progresistas. Accordingly, neither was the then existing liberal constitution abolished, nor was the National Guard dissolved. By these means, O'Donnell, if he forfeited the confidence of both parties, saved himself from irretrievable rupture with either. It is probable that the hostile organization which the Progresistas were labouring to cement in the provinces, added to the personal disposition of the sovereign towards a reactionary policy, ultimately determined O'Donnell in favour of the decisive measures which were proclaimed about two months ago. The National Guard,

it will be remembered, was then formally dissolved; and the existing Constitution was replaced by another which involved in effect a modified restoration of the Constitution of 1845. The new elections under that system were not, however, designed to take place until 1857; and the policy of the government become equivalent to a suspension of all constitutional rights.

Scarcely a month had elapsed after the assumption of this new character by the O'Donnell ministry, when two important classes of events, wholly unconnected with each other, shook

to its basis the security of a government, which, in the opinion of many, had gained strength from the recent proclamation of a definite policy. Of these the one, and perhaps the most imminently dangerous to ministers, consisted in the measures taken in reference to Maria Christina and Narvaez. The other took its shape in the pecuniary difficulties which brought the question of the sales of ecclesiastical property, actively maintained by the Espartero ministry, to a crisis. We will glance successively at these questions.

What may have been the actual nature of the secret influence which, a few weeks ago, brought back the Duke of Valencia-the prescriptive leader of the Moderado party-in triumph to Madrid, there are no means of accurately ascertaining. That the Queen entertained any strong sympathies for this impetuous and overbearing, vulgar and insolent general, during whose previous administration the sovereign could hardly have deemed the crown to be her own--is scarcely possible. The marks of favour simultaneously shown by the French Emperor to O'Donnell have also been brought forward, more obviously than reasonably, to show that such a course could hardly have been dictated from Paris. It would not, however, greatly belie our general view of the policy of the Tuilleries, if it should prove that that court designed in the return of Narvaez the establishment of a rival to O'Donnell, who should thus be kept in continual dependence upon French influence, and consequently in continual acquiescence in French policy, for the support of his administration. Napoleon III. probably did not anticipate so immediate a triumph for Narvaez.

Be this as it may, passports had scarcely been granted to Narvaez, when a decree appeared rescinding the confiscation of the property possessed by the exiled Christina in the Spanish dominions. Christina, it will be remembered, had been placed between the Moderados and Progresistas, under the double ban of confiscation and proscription. While that lady was at Madrid, no liberal government could exist, and O'Donnell had himself publicly declared that "with Christina in Spain,

all government was impossible." It soon therefore became clear that the influence of the new Dictator was at an end, and that measures, of all others the most antagonistic to the interests of his government, were being as it were carried over his head. If the decree of confiscation on the property of Christina were rescinded, on what principles of justice could the decree of personal proscription be maintained? At all events, it was clear that the influence which had triumphed in the one case would triumph also in the other; and that O'Donnell most shortly expect to find a large camarilla intrigue in full develop ment at Madrid, in virtue of which Christina and Narvaez, or Narvaez alone, would share all the powers of the state.

The second of these questionstermed in Spanish phraseology the amortisacion, or the sales of ecclesiastical property-further developed the insecurity of ministers, inasmuch as it showed that they were directly at issue between themselves. This point calls for brief elucidation. When the civil wars had subsided, the prostration of all the springs of wealth in the country was so complete that no taxation that could be imposed by the state or that, if imposed by law, would yield a corresponding revenue in fact-sufficed to enable the government to meet its liabilities. The necessity of maintaining a considerable army in a country only just delivered from internecine hostility, and still devoured with the bitterest rivalries, imperatively called for a full exchequer. National credit had sunk so low that any extensive system of loans was impossible. The government consequently had recourse to a confiscation of a considerable part of the revenues of the regular orders, and ultimately to a sale of their estates. This policy was alternately suspended and resumed by the administrations which in those days succeeded one another with amazing rapidity, until it was at length checked for a long future period, if we remember right, in 1848. On the resumption of power by Espartero in 1854, he found the state of the public finances very little better than during his first administration. He, therefore, brought this policy again into action, and designed, there

can be no doubt, the alienation of the whole remainder of ecclesiastical property. But there was this difference between his policy and that of his predecessors, that the sums thus obtained were intended during his administration to be devoted to the improvements of the country, which every preceding government had neglected to provide for.

The vacillation, or at least the want of vigour, displayed by the Progresista government of 1854, left this question, on their dissolution in 1856, still undecided, and we might almost say not materially advanced. When, therefore, O'Donnell, as the phoenix of the defunct Progresista government, suddenly installed a new administration, composed partly of those who were directly pledged to the policy of Espartero, and partly of those who had meanwhile steadfastly opposed it, the question necessarily became a very difficult and ticklish one for the cabinet to deal with. Moreover, its urgent character rendered it one on which discussion could not be long avoided.

In this state of affairs, O'Donnell, no doubt, had two courses before him. He might either invite open discussion, when discussion grew inevitable, and abide by its result--possibly that of the dismemberment of the administration; or he might anticipate opposition by intrigue, and carry the question surreptitiously against his opponents. Those who know the character of O'Donnell will not be surprised at his adopting the latter course. But it proved to be the worst policy of the two; a blundering intriguer, indeed, is pretty sure to work his own ruin.

O'Donnell accordingly convened the cabinet in the absence of Rios Rosas, the leader of the section op posed to the policy of Espartero, and put the question indirectly to issue by one of the most discreditable and unsuccessful stratagems that we have heard of even at Madrid. The cabinet being thus packed'—and Rios Rosas, the only other master spirit among the ministers, knowing nothing of its deliberations-M. Cantero, the Minister of Finance, was put up as a stalking horse for O'Donnell, to propose a decree authorising the Spanish treasury to advance 7,500,000 reals for the repairs of