CHAPTER IV.

MIGRATION has only recently been considered by political economists as a certain means of raising the price of labour-wages and of improving the general condition of the working-classes. Adam Smith did not dream of it in his somewhat narrow philosophy. He writes of colonies it is true, but only of them as discovered or planted by conquerors, adventurers, and discoverers, for the mere lust of conquest, the acquisition of fabled wealth, or the simple gratification of curiosity. In the earliest ages, nearly all the discoveries of new territories have been made from these absorbing motives; the good and advancement of mankind have been but most secondary incentives to investigators and explorers. Alexander the Great and Cæsar "Britannicus," fearing the mutiny and rebellion of their vast and domineering armies, led them across seas and deserts to gratify their pride with new victories and their lusts with the spolia opima. Columbus, Sebastian Cabôt, Amerigo Vespucci, Cortez and Sir Walter Raleigh were incited to brave the dangers of unknown and fearful waters and of barbarously-hostile natives, by the fables of enthusiasts or the dreams of visionaries, whose fancies gilded the shores of those climes and cast about their mountains settings of diamonds and rubies;* Captain

* "We moreover gather from the narratives of Balboa, Pedraria, Davila, and Cortez, that hopes were entertained at that period of finding in the Pacific, groups of islands rich in spices, gold, precious stones, and pearls."-Humboldt's Cosmos, vol. ii.

Cook, Tasman, Franklin, with other intrepid voyagers of a like stamp, were actuated solely by the desire of finding new lands and short cuts across the wide sea, either to satisfy their craving for discovery or for the promotion of general science. There is not a word from Adam Smith as to the desirableness of all these new plantations or extensive colonies as a means of raising the wages of labour. He somewhat naïvely says that the ancient Romans had an universal greed for land: those who were rich did not want to part with it, therefore the unfortunates who coveted land had to seek for it in other countries, and established thereby colonies or plantations.* Malthus in his Principles of Political Economy also entirely ignores emigration; though his fertile brain and kindly heart, touched with the abject poverty of the poor, conceived far-fetched "checks upon population" and devised impracticable laws to raise wages, he did not think of the simple expedient of emigration. Neither does history give special instances of colonies having been planted on account of the inability of particular countries to maintain their population. Persecution, religious oppression, trades-unionism, have each caused wholesale and hasty emigration at various times and in different countries, but there is no record until these latter times of a nation or people deliberately practising or encouraging emigration, for the sake alone of improving the condition of those who go and of those who remain. Ecclesiastical intolerance and superstitious tyranny drove the Jews from

* In the Wealth of Nations, vol. ii, chap. viii.

+ Malthus' theory is very simple. "The condition," says he, in the 4th chapter of his book, "of the labouring-classes of society must evidently depend, partly upon the rate at which the funds for the maintenance of labour and the demand for labour are increasing; and partly on the habits of the people in respect to their food, clothing and lodging." The theory of many persons at this date was that the wages of labour should be only just high enough to provide the actual necessaries of life.

Spain; the dexterity and cunning handicraft of this banished people enriched more hospitable lands. The bitter persecution of the Huguenots, which culminated in the terrible massacre of St. Bartholomew, caused them to flee for refuge and safety to other countries, to which they carried their singular skill and knowledge of trades.* The exactions and tyranny of trades-unions drove the Flemish artisans who would not comply with their arbitrary demands and requirements, to seek the friendly protection of foreigners. Many of these Flemings came to England, and there can be no doubt that their immigration laid the foundation of England's manufactures. But the political economists of the present age advocate emigration, and see in it a ready means of increasing the wages of labour and of adjusting the inconsistencies and spasmodic variations of the labour-market of the world. Mill, Ricardo, Morrison and Fawcett duly recognise the importance of emigration. Mill says notably, "There is another resource which can be invoked by a nation whose increasing numbers press hard against the productive capacity of their land. I mean emigration."t Mr. Morrison also says in his able book, Labour and Capital, in allusion to checks upon population and similar Malthusian remedies for low wages, "But in the present age, Emigration has opened up a new resource, which removes most of the hardship of the case."

There is indeed hardly any one of any consequence, or whose opinions are worth having, who does not thoroughly believe that emigration is a most certain means of improving the condition of agricultural labourers, as well as that of the whole community of working men. Those who emigrate benefit themselves, and by

"The emigration gave a death blow to several great branches of French industry. Hundreds of manufactories were closed."-Smile's Huguenots. + Principles of Political Economy, by J. Stuart Mill, vol. i, chap. xiii.

their emigration the position of those left at home is improved. The labour-market is relieved of it may be surplus hands, and wages consequently have a tendency to increase. Emigration differs materially from migration, inasmuch as the latter only equalises wages-payments, whereas emigration tends to raise them directly. If the wages of agricultural labourers are to be directly and largely increased, it will mainly be accomplished by the operation of emigration. According to the past and still generally prevalent system of agriculture, the skill or technical knowledge considered requisite is so slight and trifling that the refugees from trades, mines, railways, out-of-work mechanics and artificers of all kinds, have had but little difficulty in adapting themselves to agricultural work when other resources have failed. In the hop districts at picking-time, at the fruit season in fruitgrowing localities, at harvest time in most places, all sorts of persons flock to the scene of action. A certain proportion, perhaps, come regularly, but a great many of them are waifs and strays from divers places and trades-out-of-work men of all descriptions. Farmers would not select such as these for ordinary routine work, but they do employ them upon extraordinary occasions, and they are always at hand ready to fill the places of agricultural labourers proper, and in effect they keep down their wages. Emigration, wisely and judiciously undertaken and directed by the Poor Law Board, should relieve the country of these surplus labourers. The assisted emigration to the colonies, as practised by Boards of Guardians, has been on a very small and unsatisfactory scale hitherto, and it must be said that sufficient discrimination has not been exercised in the selection of the emigrants, so that there is not much wonder that the colonies

* Bacon has written in his Essay Of Plantations,—“It is a shameful and unblessed thing to take the scum of people and wicked condemned men to be the people with whom you plant, for they will ever live like rogues, and not fall to work, but be lazy and do mischief, and spend victuals and be quickly weary."

exclaim that they do not want the scum and refuse of our labouring population. Unfortunately the typical guardian of the poor has too often but one category for paupers; he cannot, as a rule, distinguish between paupers and paupers. It is very nearly akin to a crime in his judgment for any able-bodied person to apply for relief. The pauper from stern necessity, from failure of work or similar causes, is classified broadly with the pauper from improvidence, crime, or inclination. Bumbledom is just as prevalent, just as sternly virtuous, as when Dickens showed it up, and the audacity of a half-starved, able-bodied pauper in applying for relief, causes as much consternation at an average Board of Guardians as poor little Oliver "asking for more." A large, liberal and Catholic spirit should direct the relief-distribution and discrimination of this country at this time, when depression of trade and a general national economy have much reduced the amount of capital available for labour— more so in some districts than in others, but still to an extent all over the land. Over-speculation in past years and excessive class-luxury have tended in a degree to produce this inevitable reaction. Besides, it must not be forgotten that the violent and arbitrary action of the working-classes themselves has helped in no small degree to disorganise trade and drive away capital to other countries. Trades-unionism has undoubtedly hitherto increased pauperism, because the system is in its infancy-because the labouring-classes are not yet sufficiently educated to wield the immense powers which they begin to feel they have, with justice, reason and discretion. It is like putting a firebrand into the hands of a child. The tyranny of the first-class workmen has driven the weak to the wall. Their threats, their strikes, their terrorism, have frightened some employers into giving up business, have made others forego large speculative undertakings; and all suspect, distrust and fear their men. All these things are remembered, and have perhaps their natural result of