over the schools which sprang up about the cathedral, and as these grew in numbers and importance and developed into a university he still asserted his right to license masters and his jurisdiction over scholars. Stubborn conflicts arose over these claims in the earlier years of the thirteenth century, and various papal bulls placed important restrictions upon the chancellor's powers, but he continued Avranches nianuscript is the most complete collection of Philip's sermons, containing also the first and second series.

There is no apparent reason for attributing to Philip the Sermones cancellarii Parisiensis of MS. 403 of the Royal Library at Berlin (cf. Rose, Verzeichniss, II. 237) or the Sermones . . . cancellarii Parisiensis at Erfurt (MS. F. 103). For an old French sermon on the Virgin composed in part by him see Valois, Guillaume d'Auvergne, 220 ff.

Guiard de Laon, chancellor from 1237 to 1238, when he became bishop of Cambrai. On his writings see the Histoire Littéraire, XVIII. 354–356; and Hauréau, in the Journal des Savants, June, 1893. His numerous sermons, many of which are shown by the manuscripts to have been preached at Paris, have not come down to us in any single collection (the Summula Sermonum seen by Oudin at Dijon seems to have been lost) but are found in several manuscripts, scattered among those of Eudes de Châteauroux, Guillaume d'Auvergne, and others of his contemporaries. Taken together, MSS. Lat. 15959, 15955, and 15964 offer a fairly complete series for Sundays and festivals throughout the year, often with several for the same day. MSS. Lat. 15951 and 16471 and MS. Arras 329 contain a large number of sermons de sanctis. Various sermons are in MSS. Lat. 12418 (five, not three, as Hauréau states), 15952, 15953, 15954, 16488, 16502, 16505, 16507, n. a. 338, and in MS. Amiens 284 (which contains some in addition to those enumerated in Coyecque's catalogue). An old French sermon of Guiard is printed in the Revue des Sciences Ecclésiastiques (1861), IV. 124. Some of his sermons in MS. Lat. 16471 were ascribed by Hauréau to Gautier de Château-Thierry because of the opinion, which he was finally compelled to abandon, that Guiard was never chancellor.

Eudes de Châteauroux, chancellor 1238-1244 and afterward cardinal bishop of Tusculum. The time at my disposal has not permitted an investigation of the very numerous manuscripts of Eudes, apparently the most prolific sermonizer of all the chancellors of his century. Cardinal Pitra (Analecta Novissima Spicilegii Solesmensis, II. 188-343) has published extracts from a collection of 765 of his sermons in the possession of the Dominicans at Rome and has enumerated a large number of other manuscripts; many of the Paris manuscripts have been noted by Hauréau. See also Delisle in the Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes, XLIX. 268-272. The printed sermons and such others as I have read bear out Hauréau's statement that they contain few allusions to the customs or events of the time. On Eudes see Pitra, II. xxiii-xxxv; Hauréau, in the Journal des Savants, August, 1888, and in the Notices et Extraits des MSS., XXIV. 2. 204 ff.

Gautier de Château-Thierry, chancellor from 1246 to 1249, when he became bishop of Paris. Scattered sermons by him are found in MSS. Lat. 15951, 15953, 15955, 15959, 16471, 16488, 16507; MS. Arras 329, ff. 1, 53v, 72, 152; and MS. Arras 691, f. 139v. In a volume of Quæstiones Theologica in the Bibliotheca Antoniana at Padua (MS. 152) his name appears on ff. 150v and 153; on f. 152v, apropos of the question whether a master reading at Paris can preach without the bishop's license, he has something to say of the chancellor's office. Some account of Gautier and his writings will be found in Gallia Christiana, VII. 100; Histoire Littéraire, XXVI. 390-395; Lecoy de la Marche, Chaire Française, 95.

Étienne Tempier, also known as Étienne d' Orleans, chancellor from 1262 or 1263 to 1268, when he became bishop of Paris. See Gallia Christiana, VII. 108-115; Hauréau, in Journal des Savants, 1890, p. 255. Three sermons by him are in MS. Lat. 16481, ff. 77v, 136v, 214 (cf. Quétif and Échard, Scriptores Ordinis Prædicatorum, I.

to style himself the head of the university and to direct the examinations leading to the master's degree. As the chancellors were themselves masters and generally distinguished preachers as well, it is evident that their sermons, though they are naturally of the learned and dignified type and need to be used with due allowance for the official and often unfriendly attitude of the authors, represent close acquaintance with university affairs and possess special importance for the purpose of our study.

With regard to the studies pursued at Paris we must not expect to find much information in the sermons. Various chancellors do indeed draw out elaborate comparisons between the seven liberal arts and the seven gifts of the spirit1, between the lessons of the Lord's school and those of the devil's2, but in such cases the audience is assumed to be sufficiently familiar with the studies mentioned, and the weight of exposition is put upon the corresponding virtue or vice; and even where the account is more specific, it offers interest as an expression of the preacher's attitude toward learning rather than as a description of particular subjects. The all-important study, according to the preachers, is of course theology, "Madame

Jean d' Orleans, also known as Jean des Alleux, chancellor from 1271 to 1280, when he became a Dominican. See Chartularium, I. 494; Quétif and Échard, I. 499; Histoire Littéraire, XXV. 270–280. His sermons are scattered through MSS. Lat. 14899, ff. 46, 83, 86, 132; 14947 (see Quétif and Échard, I. 385); 14952, f. 188v; 15005 (contained also in MS. 14947); 15956, ff. 279v, 301v, 313v; 16481 (see Quétif and Échard, I. 268); 16482, ff. 178v, 204, 275v (ascribed to him by Quétif and Échard and the Histoire Littéraire); MS. Soissons 125, f. 60 (Molinier's catalogue is wrong in attributing to him the four that follow, of which two are anonymous and two in the name "fratris Petri de Remerico Monte"); MS. Troyes 1788, f. 82v; Munich, Cod. Lat. 23372, pp. 8, 15, 19, 29, 39, 47, 53, 88, 129, 130; Bodleian, Ashmolean MS. 757, ff. 81, 349, 359; Merton College, MS. 237, ff. 32v, 94v, 110; Venice, Library of St. Mark's, Fondo Antico, MS. 92, ff, 228 ff. (six sermons).

Nicolas de Nonancourt, 1284-1288. Sermons in MSS. Lat. 15952, ff. 277v (also in 14961, f. 135), 279; 16252, f. 279. A sermo cancellarii" in MS. Lat. 15952, f. 113 (and anonymously in MS. 14899, f. 109) is attributed to him by Hauréau.

Bertaud de St. Denis, 1288-1295. But one of his sermons is known: MS. Lat. 14947, f. 210 (also in MSS. Lat. 15005, f. 113, and 15129, f. 191). Cf. Histoire Littéraire, XXV. 317–320, XXVI. 439; Journal des Savants, 1889, p. 303, 1891, p. 302.

Sermons of anonymous chancellors who have not been identified are in MSS. Lat. 568, f. 190; 10968, f. 104; 12418, ff. 109, 110; 15527, f. 1; 15952, ff. 107-108; 16502, ff. 26, 84v, 124. The editors of the Chartularium declare that various sermons of Aimery de Veire, chancellor from 1249 to circa 1263, are extant, but none were known to Hauréau nor have I been able to discover any. The sermons in MS. Lat. 2516A, of which Lecoy de la Marche conjectures Aimery to have been the author, are the work of Philippe de Grève ( Journal des Savants, 1890, p. 249).

'Prévostin, British Museum, Add. MS. 18335, f. 14; Gautier de Château-Thierry, MS. Lat. 15955, f. 429; and MS. Arras 329, f. 3v; Eudes de Châteauroux, MS. Lat. 15959, f. 240v; Barthélémy de Tours, Hauréau, IV. 35. Cf. Philippe de Grève, In Psalterium, 1. f. 311 (Paris, 1522); Jacques de Vitry, in Pitra, II. 365.

2 Jean d'Orléans, Munich, Cod. Lat. 23372, p. 39.

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la Haute Science" of the thirteenth century', supreme above all other studies, which may be valuable as discipline but do not deserve to be studied for their own sakes2. The arts are merely preparatory to theology"; indeed the trivium affords a sufficient preparation, since the branches of the quadrivium, though containing truth, do not lead to piety "4. "The sword of God's word is forged by grammar, sharpened by logic, and burnished by rhetoric, but only theology can use it." Some students, however, use up the blade in putting on the edge"; others give the best years of their life to fine speaking or to the study of the stars', coming in their old age to theology, which should be the wife of their youth. Some neglect theology for geometry" or for the works of the philosophers1o, so that even when they reach theology, they cannot be separated from their Aristotle11, but read his forbidden books in secret12 and corrupt their faith13. The chief menace, however, to the preeminence of theology seems to have been the study of the canon law, after 1219 1 Henri d'Andeli, La Bataille des Sept Arts, line 79 (ed. Héron, 46).

2" Exercitandus et exercendus est animus in aliis scienciis, et in logicis et in naturalibus et in moralibus, secundum uniuscuiusque possibilitatem. Ipsa etiam scientia iuris, maxime iuris canonici, non parum neccessaria sacre scripture doctoribus. Licet autem predicta discantur ante ipsam, finaliter tamen addiscenda sunt propter ipsam ". Philippe de Grève (?), “ad scolares", MS. Troyes 1099, f. 38.

3 See the passages from sermons cited by Denifle, Universitäten, I. 100. Jacques de Vitry, in Pitra, Analecta Novissima, II. 368, and Lecoy de la Marche, Chaire Française, 458, note.

5 Gramatica fabricat gladium verbi Dei, logica ipsum acuit, rethorica ipsum polit, et theologia ipso utitur et ipso percutit; sed quidam scolates superintendunt fabricationi, id est gramatice, alii acutioni in tantum ipsum acuendo quod totam aciem aufferunt ei ". Robert de Sorbon (?), MS. Lat. 15971, f. 198.

6 Gautier de Château-Thierry, MS. Lat. 15959, f. 437, col. I.

"Est alia quorundam sapientia qui scire complexiones argumentationum, deceptiones sophismatum, secreta celi rimantur, motus astrorum, cursus planetarum. In his tamen non adeo reprehensibiles invenio sacerdotes sed quosdam qui etatem suam in his consumunt, quorum ingenium in talibus desudant; semper discunt et nunquam ad scientiam veritatis proveniunt". Pierre de Poitiers, MSS. Lat. 12293, f. 101V; 14593, f. 146v, 320v.

8 Philippe de Grève, in Journal des Savants, 1894, p. 430.

9" Multi proponunt librum geometrie libro theologie". Guiard de Laon, MS. Lat. 16471, f. 221.

10 Tercia sollicitudo mala est nimie curiositatis studendo in libris philosophorum et pretermittendo theologiam". Jean d'Orléans, MS. Lat. 14889, f. 84v. For the different view of an eminent philosopher, Jean de La Rochelle, see Hauréau, Histoire de la Philosophie Scholastique, part 2, I. 194.

11 Jean de St. Gilles, in Hauréau, VI. 234.

12 Guiard de Laon, in Journal des Savants, 1893, p. 370.

13 Jacques de Vitry, in Hauréau, Philosophie Scholastique, part 2, I. 108, note. On the standard authorities in the various subjects at Paris cf. the following passage from a sermon of Friar Bartholomew of Bologna: "Aristotili creditur in logica, Galieno in medicina, et Tullio in rethorica, et similiter de aliis; et esset opprobrium alicui quod in grammatica aliquid diceret contra precepta Prisciani et in logica contra precepta Aristotilis et sic de aliis scientiis". Bodleian, Ashmolean MS. 757, ff. 367, 403v.

the only branch of jurisprudence represented at Paris. The rapid development of the judicial and administrative side of the ecclesiastical system in this period created a considerable demand for men trained in law, and many are the denunciations uttered by the theologians against those who forsake the water of sacred scripture for the Abana and Pharpar of the decretists' and are advanced to the best places in the church through the seductions of their devil's rhetoric2.

The utilitarian motive appears not only in such obviously “lucrative" studies as law and medicine3, but likewise in theology and arts, the study of which was the natural road to ecclesiastical preferment. The chief hope of many students lay in securing a good benefice or prebend', to which end they would toil early and late, since a prebend of a hundred livres might depend upon remembering a single word at the examination". Favoritism also played its part in the distribution of patronage, and great was the popularity of those masters who had the ear of bishops or could exert other influence on behalf of their scholars. Many who had the good

1 Philippe de Grève (?), MS. Troyes 1099, f. 37.

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"Leges. . . multi audiunt ut volare possint ad dignitates". Jean de Blois, MS. Lat. n. a. 338, f. 110v. Hauréau, VI. 226, 228; Histoire Littéraire, XXVI. 394; Journal des Savants, 1893, p. 368. Cf. Dante, Paradiso, ix. 133 ff., xii. 82-83; Cæsar of Heisterbach, in Vienna Sitzungsberichte, phil.-hist. Kl., CXLIV. 9. 79. Robert de Sorbon tells the story of a woman who supposed that her son was studying theology at Paris when he was really studying canon law, and who burst into tears on his return, saying, "Credebam quod filius meus deberet esse in servicio Dei et deberet ire ad scientiam Dei et quod esse deberet unus magnus predicator, e el vay a crotalas (volebat dicere ad decretales)". MS. Lat. 15971, f. 167.

On the general feeling toward lawyers in this period cf. Étienne de Bourbon, Nos. 438 ff.; the poem of Philippe de Grève De Advocatis, published in the Archives des Missions (1866), second series, III. 288; and the following passage from a collection of Paris sermons in the Library of St. Mark's (Fondo Antico 92, f. 193): "Quondam ecclesia consuevit regi in pace per canones, modo regitur per advocatos, per quos fiunt plura mala quam per hereticos; et student in legibus dicentes quod canones non possunt sciri sine legibus".

3" Omnes avaricie student, quia intermediis scienciis intendunt que sunt lucrative, scilicet medici, legiste, decretiste". Robert de Sorbon (?), MS. Lat. 15971, f. 198. On "lucrative sciences", cf. the bull Super speculam of Honorius III., Chartularium, I., No. 32.

+ See the debate between the poor and the rich student published by Hauréau, VI. 306. Cf. also the forms of solicitation for benefices preserved in the student letter. writers. AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, III. 209, note 3.

5 Robert de Sorbon, in Hauréau, IV. 70. Cf. IV. 38; Histoire Littéraire, XXVI. 436. So Albert de Reims : "Sic laborat aliquis.xx. annis in studio, et quis est finis eius? Certe ut capiat muscam, id est prebendam". St. Mark's, Fondo Antico 92, f. 26IV.

6 Scolares [curiositatem habent] de magistris qui habent favorem prelatorum". Guiard de Laon, MS. Amiens 284, f. 5v. So Robert de Sorbon, De Conscientia, 26; anon. in MS. Lat. 16471, f 118; MS. Arras 329, f. 86.

fortune to get benefices remained at Paris to enjoy them1, a form of non-residence which seems to have become a serious abuse by the thirteenth century, so that some students even held more than one benefice at the same time2. Indeed a parish or cathedral appointment might come at the beginning as well as at the end of one's university career, being sometimes conferred upon ignorant youths, who at once hastened to Paris to secure some sort of an education"like a physician who should take his pay, leave his patient, and come to the university to learn his medicine ", says one preacher3.

Too eager pursuit of learning for its own sake was in quite as much disfavor with the preachers as were ambition and non-residence. Scholars are constantly warned against the vanity of much study and against the sins of pride or false doctrine which may arise from wandering beyond the limits of modest attainment. "Clerks busy themselves with eclipses of the sun, but fail to observe the darkening of their own hearts by sin "5. Far better is it that they should seek to know themselves than to search out the nature of animals, the virtues of herbs, or the courses of the stars". The doves know well the golden rule, yet they have never studied at Paris or heard lectures on the Topica. This doctrine is enforced by stories of masters struck dumb to punish their conceits, and of ambitious scholars dead before their time, after they had studied so hard in the hope of becoming bishop that they would never go out into the fields with

1 Hauréau, VI. 209, 210, 213, 214, 230, 233, 237; Guiard de Laon, MS. Lat. 15959, f. 14; Jean de Blois, MS. Lat. n. a. 338, f. 111.

2 Journal des Savants, 1893, p. 368, 1894, p. 436.

3 "Contra illos qui tunc primo incipiunt studere et addiscere [MS. addicere] cum habent curam animarum, similes medico qui recepto salario dimisso infirmo vadit ad studium addiscere medicinam." MS. Lat. 15971, f. 198. Cf. Hauréau, III. 243, VI. 58. An example of this abuse from the early part of the twelfth century is given in Monumenta Germania Historica, Scriptores, IX. 610. In 1254 two canons of Mainz, who were banished from Germany for stealing, were permitted to receive revenue from their prebends if they would study at Paris. Böhmer-Will, Regesta Archiepiscoporum Moguntiensium, II. 322, No. 78.

• Jacques de Vitry, in Pitra, Analecta Novissima, I. 362; Guiard de Laon, MS. Lat. 16488, f. 377v; Prévostin, in Mélanges Julien Havet, 302.

5 Querunt clerici de eclipsi solis sed de eclipsi solis spiritualis que contingit in cordibus eorum per peccatum non querunt." Robert de Sorbon, MS. Lat. 15971, f. 167.

He alludes to the study of the stars and the movements of the heavens in the same MS., ff. 171v, 195. So Gautier de Château-Thierry, MS. Lat. 15955, f. 429; MS. Lat. 16488, f. 410.

6 Id., MS. Lat. 15951, f. 185; MS. Lat. 16488, f. 399.

"Hanc regulam bene sciunt columbe que nunquam studuerunt Parisius nec audiverunt Thopica." Id., MS. Lat. 16471, f. 79; MS. Lat. 16507, f. 39.

8 Histoire Littéraire, XXXI. 54; Robert de Sorbon, MS. Lat. 15971, f. 198, translated in Lecoy de la Marche, L'Esprit de nos Aieux, 279. Robert tells as the counterpart of this story the instance of a successful master whose only preparation for lectures consisted in going to mass every morning.