CHAPTER VI.

GERMANY AND AUSTRO-HUNGARY.

Germany: Military Anniversary-Opening of the Prussian Diet-Financial Statements-The Krupp gun- Elections for the German Parliament-Catholic Divisions -Opening of the German Parliament-Speech from the Throne -Prince Bismarck's Speeches-M. Besançon's Speech-Anniversary of the Emperor's Birthday-The Chancellor Crisis-The Emperor's Visit to Alsace-Lorraine-Old Catholic SynodGrowth of Socialism-The Autumn Manoeuvres-The "Kaiser Week" at Düsseldorf-Population and Religious Statistics -Opening of the Prussian Diet, Oct. 21 -Speech from the Throne--Budget-Debate upon Municipal Reform -Ministerial Explanations-Loan Bill-The Emperor's Visit to Silesia-Death of F.-M. Count Wrangel-His Funeral-Death of General Cannstein-Debate on Worship and Education-A Second Chancellor Crisis-Dr. Petri's Speech-Germany as a Naval Power. Austria: Austria's Policy on the Eastern Question-Feeling amongst the PeopleThe Magyars-The People of the South-West-Demonstrations and AddressesKossuth on the Eastern Question-Statements of the Ministers-Presidents-Position and Policy of Austro-Hungary-Public Feeling—Austria decides on Mobilisation -Meeting of the Emperors-Herr Tisza on Austria's Eastern Policy-Status of the Old Catholics-Financial Position of Hungary-Count Andrassy on Austria's Eastern Policy-Debate on Foreign Affairs.

THE year 1877 presented us with a great military drama, in which scenes full of thrilling incidents passed before us, sometimes quickly, sometimes slowly, but always exhibiting a ghastly spectacle of mangled humanity, fiendish cruelty, rapine, and lust, until war-and especially a war of races and creeds--stood revealed in all its horror and repulsiveness. In this war, however, and in the great Constitutional struggle in France, the interest of the year centred. The other countries of Europe offered but scant materials for political or domestic history.

The great statesman who was the organiser and reviver of the German Empire, although he sought retirement, and professed to withdraw from an active and ostensible guidance of the constitutional machinery of the State, still remained the ruling spirit and master of its destinies.

In Germany the year 1877 opened auspiciously with festivities and congratulations. The first day of January was the seventieth anniversary of the beginning of the Emperor William's military career; and to commemorate it his Majesty held a reception of the officers of the German army.

The Crown Prince addressed the aged Monarch in a speech of almost Eastern flattery, in which he spoke of him as the type of all soldierly virtues, and the creator of the military organisation which had consolidated Prussia and raised Germany to her former greatness. It was not only the people of Prussia, as formerly, who congratulated him and the army of Prussia, but it was the army and the united races of Germany that brought him homage as a victorious general and the restorer of Germany. Retrospect would carry them back to times of disaster, but it likewise brought to their memory the deeds by which this disaster had been

retrieved-deeds that would for ever be united with the name of the Emperor William. The German army was at once the defender of the Fatherland and guardian of freedom and unity. The organisation introduced by the Emperor had enabled Prussia to fulfil its mission, and in the last terrible war it became the common property of the nation. "As in those anxious days when a hostile attack was threatening, the German princes and people had flocked round the King, willing and eager to fight to the death under his leadership, until the German Empire arose again in new splendour, and the hereditary Imperial crown was presented to his Majesty on the field of battle, so, to-day, the German people, firmly united and prepared for defence, were inspired by ardent wishes for the preserver and protector of peace."

The Emperor delivered the following reply:

"If all the gentlemen, whose presence here to-day affords me especial pleasure, agree with the sentiments expressed by my son, I may esteem myself all the more happy, and I first tender you my thanks on that account. When I look back upon the day when I entered the army, I cannot but remember the state of affairs which then existed, and therefore from the moment when my father's hand led me into the army, and throughout my life, up to the pleasurable occasion afforded me to-day, my first thought has been to give humble thanks to the Arbiter of our destinies. My position has led to the greater part of my life being devoted to the army. My gratitude is consequently due to all those who have accompanied me in my military career and seconded my efforts. I always remember them with pleasure. I have to thank the valour, devotion, and constancy of the army for the position which I now occupy. From Fehrbellin to the last gloriously-ended war, the deeds of the Brandenburg-Prussian army are enrolled imperishably in the annals of the world's history. Prussia has become what she is chiefly through the army. I beg those who represent the army in my presence to-day to convey to all those whom they represent my personal thanks, which they well merit, as I have been able to convince myself for a long time past of the sentiments and spirit by which the army is animated-a spirit which, in conjunction with that of the German troops, has been successful in creating a United Germany and a united

army.

The Emperor and King opened the Prussian Diet on January 12. He hoped that the endeavours of the Government to supply the wants of the country would be supported by the Diet. He believed that the public revenue for 1877 would meet any new requirements of the State.

His Majesty thanked his people for the proofs of affection and fidelity which he had received from them on the celebration of his seventy years' military jubilee, and said that he regarded the entiments then manifested towards him as a sure guarantee that Prussia would continue to fulfil her political mission in the German Em

pire by faithfully carrying out truly monarchical and at the same time liberal institutions.

The Budget was formally presented to the Chamber by Herr Camphausen, the Minister of Finance. The Minister, in his speech, dwelt upon the difficult conditions of last year, and said that the fact of their being no deficit ought to be considered satisfactory. The receipts of the Treasury in 1876 showed a reduction of 3,000,000 marks; on the other hand the administration of the forests showed a surplus of 3,000,000 marks over the estimates. The receipts from the direct taxes were in excess of, and those of the indirect taxes below, the estimates. The receipts for 1877-8 are estimated at 651,413,934 marks, being 15,466 marks less than last year. The ordinary expenditure is set down at 631,075,487 marks, being an increase of 11,915,369 upon last year. The extraordinary expenditure is estimated at 20,368,338, being 11,938,135 marks less than those for the preceding year.

On January 5 the Chamber of Deputies elected Herr von Bennigsen President.

In the beginning of the year a German inventor, Herr Krupp, perfected his famous "Krupp gun," which new invention in military gunnery promises, it is said, to revolutionise the whole system of fortification and siege operations. The gun has a fixed shield to prevent recoil, and in this its novelty and advantage consists. As there is no recoil the gun remains steady, and no fresh aim need be taken. The result is that the guns can be fired very rapidly. In an experiment it was found that sixty shots were fired in fifteen minutes.

The elections for the members of the German Reichstag, or Parliament, resulted in "a dependable majority" of about 80 for the Government. In the last assembly Government could reckon on "a safe majority" of about 100. For the Left, or Government party, there are-Liberals, 146; Conservatives, 75; and for the Right, or anti-Bismarckian side, there are-Ultramontanes, 97; Alsatians, 15; Poles and Danes, 15; Socialists, 14; or 221 for and 141 against the policy of the Chancellor. In addition to these there are thirty-five Radicals (Progressists), who will most frequently be found on the side of Government, but sometimes will be found backing up the Opposition. The three principal points in the election to this parliament were-the growth of the Socialist vote, the Conservative reaction, and the checked Ultramontane agitation. In Bavaria no less than 90,000 fewer Ultramontane votes were given at this election than at that of 1874, and in Baden 5,000 fewer.

In Germany the "Catholics" seem as much divided into sects as are Protestants in other countries. In Berlin the number of "Catholics" was returned at 67,794, thus divided :-" Catholics," 65,062; "Roman Catholics," 2,001; Old Catholics, 439; Greek Catholics, 184; German Catholics, 63; Christian Catholics, 25; Apostolic Catholics, 17; New Catholics, 2; Free Catholic, 1. It

must be noted that the ordinary designation is simply " Catholic," and that many thus signed themselves who might come in under the other terms, and also that it was the advice of the various Catholic Unions that their members should sign as "Roman Catholic," and not as "Catholic."

The German Parliament was opened on February 22 by the Emperor in person, who was accompanied by the Crown Prince and Princes William, Frederick Charles, and Alexander. Prince Bismarck was present. His Majesty's reference to the Eastern Question was as guarded as his far-seeing Minister could make it. The most important passage in his speech was the following:

"Unfortunately, the sad situation in which trade and commerce have remained during the last two years is still continuing with us as with other countries. The constant deliberations of the Federal Governments respecting the means for remedies have not afforded me the conviction that the internal conditions of the German Empire have an essential part in the reasons of the evils, which are equally felt in other countries. The task to render help to temporary and local want of occupation among those seeking for labour is more appropriate to the single States than to the Empire. Inasmuch as a want of confidence in the future security of the legal conditions within Germany is in the way of the revival of trade, you will consider with me such apprehensions as groundless. The organisation of the Empire, and the sound sense of the German people, form a strong bulwark against the dangers which anarchical endeavours prepare to the security of the regular development of our legal conditions, from foreign dangers which could proceed from the still unsolved Eastern crisis. Germany is, however, less threatened than other countries. My politics have, without hesitating, remained faithful to those maxims which they have followed from the beginning of the Eastern complications. The Conference at Constantinople has, unfortunately, not had that success to prevail upon the Porte to grant those concessions which the European Powers have thought they should demand for the future in the interest of humanity and for the security of peace. The proceedings of the Conference have, however, had this result -that the Christian Powers have agreed between them upon the measures of those guarantees which are to be required from the Porte, for which previously no generally acknowledged expression, at least, existed. Herewith a firm basis of confidence has been found that peace will ever be preserved between the Powers, in case the hope should fail, that the Porte will carry through from their own resolutions the reforms concerning the treatment of their Christian subjects, which have been acknowledged by the Conference to be a European exigency. Should the expectations raised by that respect to the promises of the Porte and to the preliminaries of peace with Servia and Montenegro remain unfulfilled, my Government will furthermore, as hitherto, endeavour to employ, in a question where German interest does not prescribe a

precise line to their conduct, their influence in defence of the Christians in Turkey and on behalf of the preservation of the European peace, but particularly for the maintenance and consolidation of their own good relations to other allied and friendly Governments. For this peaceful work I trust confidently in the blessing of God."

Some of Prince Bismarck's speeches in the German Parliament, upon the development of German domestic institutions, were the most important political utterances in the Federal assembly.

The following summaries of some of these speeches of the German Chancellor will place the more noteworthy points before the reader.

Several members of the German Parliament complaining that Parliament had been opened before the Government bills and estimates were ready for introduction, the Prince observed that to open Parliament was the only way to make the German Government agree upon their communications to the House. He complained of the great difficulty of obtaining decisions upon the joint interests of the Empire, because all such questions, unless referring to foreign politics or military and naval affairs, have to receive the preliminary consent of the various Governments as represented in the Federal Council. Each of these, from a desire to keep its administration in its own hands, had a tendency to throw obstacles in the way of joint action. Prussia was worse even than the minor States in this respect, and his position, as Prussian Minister, gave him the power to support his policy as German Chancellor. He must, for these reasons, oppose the demand for the appointment of a German Cabinet. The House seemed to think that if a German Finance Minister had been in office, they would have had a better scheme for meeting the year's deficit (about 1,000,000l.) than by asking each State to pay up; but much correspondence had passed without result. He believed that the taxes upon beer, tobacco, &c., should be increased, direct taxation being, if possible, diminished in proportion to the growing proceeds of the direct revenue. As yet the reluctance of German Governments to act conjointly, coupled with the conscientiousness of individual ministers, and their fearful German capacity for argument, had prevented such a result. There was no denying that Imperial institutions were not prospering just now, but perhaps it was as well that something should be left to future times.

Another time Prince Bismarck, referring to the same subject, admitted that a German Cabinet was wanted; but that he thought it impossible to persuade the German Governments to accord to such a Cabinet sufficient authority. Such a change would be an alteration of the fundamental laws, and he thought it very unadvisable to propose this to the Council. It was better to be satisfied with realities, than to act upon theories. The German Constitution would grow naturally, and to push its development would probably shake the whole fabric. In every speech the Prince reinarked that

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