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even think that the Chinese are about: fo..armies of the various viceroys-a natural attack Peking.. Large reinforcements have reached Taku; but further reinforcements are now being called for. On Tuesday morning of this week an unconfirmed and improbable rumor from St. Petersburg asserts that the allies in Peking have been defeated with a loss of 1,800. The Rus
sians are steadily advancing southward with a large army, but are meeting resistance; they have occupied two more towns on the Amoor River, and have refused a request from China for a suspension of hostilities. Germany, also, in several ways has given indication that she expects to carry on an extensive campaign against China, and reports have been rife during the week that both Russia and Germany will act in the final settlement independently of the other Powers.
The facts just stated foreshadow inevitable difficulties in the final settlement of the Chinese question. Talk of withdrawing American troops is at present premature. Our Government has done well, however, to make still clearer its disavowal of territorial greed, and its purpose only to secure order and safety, present and future, for Americans in China. The landing of a French armed force at Swatow, of the British in the Yangtse region, and of the Japanese at Amoy, may mean nothing more than this on the part of France, England, and Japan, but it at least is questionable in intention. The United States is acting in the line of its professions in issuing a circular-note to the Powers suggesting immediate arrangements to bring about harmonious action. So also is it moving in the right direction when it refuses to negotiate with LiHung-Chang while it is yet uncertain what authority he has, what constitutes the present Chinese Government or what is its capital, and while Chinese troops are still making war against us. So, too, an offer by the Viceroys of Nankin and Wuchang to safeguard foreigners if the allies would guarantee certain things has not been received with favor, because the time has not come to make pledges. It has been followed by a threat from the Viceroy of Hankow to resist any attempt to extort territory or to interfere with the
enough position for him to take, and one which shows the necessity of an understanding among the allies about future purposes and acts. Practically, there is no Government in China to-day; the great problem is to establish or recognize a Government with which we can deal.
The War in South Africa
Lord Roberts is once more carrying out one of his rapid and exceedingly active movements. His strategy in South Africa from the beginning has seemed to consist of sudden rushes followed by intervals of some length, during which the country newly taken possession of is pacified. and cleared of the enemy. He is now at the front himself, moving apparently against Botha's forces northeast of Pretoria. On Sunday he was engaged with the Boers, he reports, "over a perimeter of thirty miles" near Belfast; and was stubbornly opposed. He says the Boers are making a determined stand in country well suited to their tactics. General Roberts's advance is in three columns, one under the command of General Buller and one under General French. General Olivier, called by Lord Roberts the moving Boer spirit in the southeastern portion of the Orange River district, has been captured. A Boer attack on Winburg has been repulsed. The Boers have scored a success during the week by the capture of a detachment of British soldiers numbering one hundred or more; on the other hand, General Baden-Powell is reported to have released at least an equal number of British prisoners. General De Wet appears to have abandoned the intention of moving to the northeast of Pretoria and joining General Botha, if, indeed, he has ever had such an intention, and is now believed again to be west of Pretoria, and possibly south of the Vaal River. Opinion even in London is divided as to the expediency of the execution of Lieutenant Cordua, who met his fate bravely. There is no doubt that he conspired to abduct General Roberts, but the conspiracy was a clumsy and futile undertaking, and it is, we believe, admitted that Lieutenant Cordua was purposely led into it by a British agent who schemed to entrap him; these circumstances seem to many to have made the case one where leniency
would have been a graceful act; on the other hand, Lord Roberts probably holds that a severe and striking lesson is needed to prevent some Boers from engaging in secret conspiracies and violating the oaths they have taken to abstain from hostility.
Mr. Bryan to the Populists
Mr. Bryan's address at Topeka last week accepting the nomination of the Populists took up all the issues upon which the Democrats and Populists are united, and emphasized their number. The silver issue was presented first, but not given the first importance. Mr. Bryan tacitly admitted that the need of the remonetization of silver to increase the currency is not at present so great as it was four years ago. His most characteristic sentence on this subject was as follows: "If an increase in the volume of the currency since 1896, although unpromised by the Republicans, and unexpected, has brought improvement in industrial conditions, this improvement, instead of answering the arguments put forth in favor of bimetallism, only confirms the contention of those who insisted that more money would make better times." There was no discussion of the question of ratio, but instead there was a sharp attack upon the Republican party for its alleged abandonment of bimetallism and readiness to retire the greenbacks and give over the issuing of paper money to the banks. Turning to other questions, Mr. Bryan gave a few words each to the income tax, the abridgment of "government by injunction," the more frequent resort to direct legislation, the enlargement of the powers of the Inter-State Commerce Commission, the creation of a Department of Labor with a Cabinet representative, and the direct election of United States Senators. To the trusts a good deal of space was given, Mr. Bryan urging that there was no inconsistency between the Democratic and Populist, demand for an increase in the currency to raise prices in all industries, and their opposition to the trusts, which raise prices in certain industries at the expense of others. The issue presented last, however, was declared to be the first in importance. The colonial policy of the Administration was alleged to involve not only the quad
rupling of the standing army, the increased taxation of the masses, and the diverting of public attention from domestic reforms to foreign entanglements, but also the repudiation of the basic principle of democracy, and loss of America's influence on the side of popular government throughout the world. "When such an issue is raised," said Mr. Bryan, "there can be only two parties-the party, whatever its name be, which believes in a republic, and a party, whatever its name, which believes in an empire; and the influence of every citizen is, consciously or unconsciously, intentionally or unintentionally, thrown upon one side or the other." This came very near being a call for a realignment of voters upon an issue which did not exist when the Populist party was organized. Whether or not it will seriously divide the party cannot now be determined. With a close approach to unanimity (92 to 3), the Populist National Committee has accepted Mr. Stevenson as its Vice-Presidential candidate.
Minor Political News
During the past fortnight each of the National Committees has been giving out lists of prominent men who have changed. their party allegiance because of the new issues of the pending campaign. The list of accessions to the Republican party consists largely of Silver Republicans from the mining States, and includes Senator Stewart, of Nevada, ex-Senator Mantle, of Montana, and six of the eight Colorado delegates who bolted from the Republican National Convention in 1896. Senator Teller and Mr. Williams, the negro delegate, are the only two members of the bolting delegatión from Colorado who remain in the Silver Republican party. The Democratic list, with the exception of John J. Valentine, of San Francisco, the President of the WellsFargo Express Company, consists almost. entirely of men from the Central and Eastern States. The most prominent names are those of Senator Wellington, of Maryland, ex-Secretary Schurz, of New York, and ex-Secretary Boutwell, of Massachusetts. Several men in the Democratic list have as yet gone no further than to state that they will oppose President McKinley, leaving their support of Mr. Bryan to be inferred. Of the State Conventions last
week the most important, perhaps, was that of the Union or Addicks Republicans in Delaware; they indorsed the electoral ticket of the Regulars and empowered the management of the faction to effect a fusion with the Regulars upon the candidates for other offices. In Wisconsin the Democrats adopted a platform condemning the present caucus system of nominations, and virtually indorsing the system of direct primaries which the Republican candidate for Governor, Mr. La Follette, has for years championed. The Democratic platform also demanded a revision of the tax laws by which all property within the State, whether corporate or individual, should be taxed equitably and without discrimination. This also is a reform which Mr. La Follette has championed, so that the campaign must be fought entirely upon National issues. The Democrats nominated for Governor Louis G. Bohmrich, a prominent German lawyer, and put the emphasis of the platform upon militarism. In New York State Mr. Odell, for several years Senator Platt's chief lieutenant, has been agreed upon as the Republican nominee for Governor. In the Democratic ranks ex-Senator Hill and State Chairman McGuire are fighting to secure the nomination of Comptroller Coler, while Mr. Croker and ex-Senator Murphy are fighting to prevent this nomination. If it should be made in spite of Tammany opposition, the Ramapo issue would be pushed to the front, and more split tickets would be voted than have been polled in years.
The lawlessness at Akron, in Ohio, last week, like that at Urbana in the same State three years ago, and like that in New York City two weeks ago, shows that race hatred, followed by indiscriminate violence and defiance to established authority, may take the same course in the North as in the South. In the Akron case a negro who had been charged (and we judge truly charged) with an atrocious crime was promptly arrested and imprisoned. There was no reason to suspect that the full rigor of the law would not be applied, and if the law does not provide a sufficiently severe punishment for an offense it rests with the people through the Legislature to
change such law. Yet a mob of perhaps fifteen hundred people, many of them ordinarily peaceful and law-abiding citizens, attacked the Akron City Hall, which contained a jail, although they had been assured that the prisoner was not there, and the authorities had even allowed two committees of the mob to search the premises. Dynamite-sticks were thrown into the building, which was almost totally destroyed, together with one adjoining, while during the reckless and really aimless rifle-shooting two little children, a boy of eleven and a girl of four, were shot and killed. In the eye of the law and in the light of common sense these children were murdered as truly as if their deaths had been designed. They and the eighteen or twenty men who were wounded, one it is thought fatally, were the victims of that spirit of lawless vengeance so easy to arouse, so difficult to restrain even within the bounds marked out for it by its own purpose. However much human nature may be willing to excuse to passion aroused by atrocious crime and to the craving for the immediate and certain punishment of the wrong-doer, it must never be forgotten that the brutalizing effect of lynching on the community and the resulting loss of respect for law and order are permanent and permeating influences for evil.
Negro Business Men
The Convention of "The National Negro Business League" held in Boston last week brought together upwards of a hundred delegates, representing over twenty different States. The members of the Convention made an excellent impression upon the representatives of the Boston press, both by their appearance and the intellectual quality of the speeches. The League was organized upon the initiative of Booker T. Washington, and his common-sense philosophy permeated most of the addresses. Had these been made at a gathering of white leaders, they might justly be condemned as materialistic. Indeed, one of them, glorifying the
negro race; for there is a moral difference between the advocacy of money-getting to secure independence and the advocacy of money-getting to secure power. Economic independence is to-day as much needed for the further advancement of the negro race as was emancipation from slavery for the advance which the present generation has witnessed. Even so uncompromising an opponent of materialism as Mr. William Lloyd Garrison recognized this and emphasized it in his address to the Convention: "The particular word I wish to leave with you," he said, "is this: Aim to be your own employers as speedily as possible. If you are farmers, do not rest until you control the land from which you gain your living. If you are mechanics or traders, seek first to own a home without a mortgage, foregoing many desirable things until you are free from debt. Independence and debt cannot long keep company. But, in the South, as in the North, possession of honestly earned property will surely bring respect and increase personal security." Among the negro speakers were several men who have been remarkably successful-among others, a slave of Jefferson Davis, who is now Mayor of his little town in Mississippi. The speeches of some of these men telling of their early struggles were full of encouragement to negroes everywhere. The fact that some negroes have succeeded in business, as well as the fact that some have succeeded in literature and art, forces all men to distinguish between negroes and negroes, and opens the door of opportunity to all negroes who aspire.
necting the original City of London with the West End has been opened to the public, and the claims of its friends have been abundantly fulfilled. The London correspondent of the New York "Evening Post" describes in the following language the contrast between the new system and the old: "The old underground," he says, "may be counted the dismalest place out of Tophet. You approach it by murky, grimy, and sulphurous stations; your third-class compartment is little better than a horse-box, and usually carries twice the number of persons it is intended to accommodate. Your second class is practically the third class with a piece of carpet on the seat, and your first class does not rival in comfort the third class of the great lines. The traveling is through stuffy tunnels, and detestably slow. The new underground is in no sense a rival. The stations will bear looking upon, being architecturally pleasing to the eye.
The interiors are lined with white tile, and there are lifts (elevators) to take one down to the platform. As for the trains, they are a revelation. There is but one class, and that is first. The seats are armed chairs, so that there can be no overcrowding. The trains are lighted and driven by electricity. The fare is 'tuppence' for any distance, and as the railway is built on the tubular system, the cockney has already dubbed it the Tuppenny Tube.' The great success of this new line in London, following the success of the short subway in Boston, ought to dissipate all doubt as to the future of the underground system which the city of New York has set about to construct. According to the view of Mr. Charles Stewart Smith, of the New York Rapid Transit Commission, who is now in London, the New York system will be as attractive as that of London, and far more rapid. Mr. Smith's statement respecting speed, as cabled to the Associated Press, is as follows:
The distance from the Bank of England to Shepherd's Bush is 400 yards short of six including thirteen stops. This is done by miles. This is covered in twenty-five minutes, means of two single-track tubes, which, of course, prevents the running of express trains. The New York line will contain four tracks, and express trains will run from the City Hall to the northernmost end of the island [twelve miles] in from eighteen to nineteen minutes.
have been during the past year nine or ten American teachers, and forty more American teachers are scattered through the public schools of the island. Although these public-school teachers are not necessarily agents of religion in general and of Protestantism in particular, they have exercised a silent, perhaps, but in many cases an equally great religious influence
that never in the United States have they received so many little tokens of appreciation and respect.
The Census Returns
The census reports given out last week fully establish our generalization that the population of our cities has increased less rapidly during the past decade than during the decade preceding. The returns for the principal cities thus far published are
with that of the missionaries themselves.
effect. Of the million inhabitants of Porto
Per cent. Increase of 1880 Increase. to 1890.
1,698,575 1,099,850 54
New York is the only one of the great
Even if all the