Without going back then to the caufes or the conduct by which this event took place, it is fufficient to confider, that in fact Ireland is in that fituation with regard to Great Britain, which is pregnant with danger to both. It is a fubject of fo delicate a kind, that I will ufe no determinate vocables to describe that fituation; it is like a matrimonial quarrel, which fhould never be defined, but which, it is fufficient to know, is ruinous to the family, and ought to be made up as foon as poffible. I know not that Ireland, foberly and moderately fpeaking, has gained any thing fubftantial by thofe conceffions, which, in the hour of our weakness, she wrung from Britain; yet it was natural for a fpirited people who felt fome of the badges of former oppreffion hanging upon them, to shake them off indignantly, though they weigh ed not a straw against their intereft. But if the fpirit of jealoufy and feparation fhould increase, the confequences may be more eafily feared than foretold. To Britain they must certainly be extremely hurtful; but to Ireland ruinous; I be lieve there is not a sensible moderate man in that kiugdom, who can look on the fituation of his country and doubt of the propofition. Such is the danger of the prefent pofition of both countries; an ordinary adminiftration may palliate or temporife with that danger; but it would be a proud undertaking for a great and a popular minifter to endeavour to remove it for ever.

The word Union, I believe, is not popular in Ireland; yet if reafon or precedent may be looked to, the idea thould not be disagreeable to that country. Every advantage which Scotland has received from a fimilar connection, Ireland is better calculated to obtain; and many of the disadvantages which nationality magnified at the time, and which in fome degree, have been felt fince, Ireland is not so subject to as Scotland was. Her commerce and manufactures ftand more in need of the fostering influence of this junction with her wealthy neighbour than those of Scotland did; and the nonrefidence of her abfentees, if increased at all, would be increased in a much fmaller proportion. Her jealousy of an united legislature may be natural; and yet, if the probable conduct of the legiflative body be confidered, I think the will not have much to fear on that score: She knows the value of her prefent re

prefentatives, and I will not presume to characterise them even from their own authority. To fecure her from an overburden of British debt would be an arrangement difficult but not impoffible; and as to the taxes the might hereafter be liable to, it is her misfortune at pre fent to be subject to so few. The few to which the is fubject, prefs on her starving peasantry with a weight that bears them down in a miserable and hopeless vaffalis lage; if commerce and manufactures should fubject her to those of a better fort, it would be a symptom of her profperity: no body complains of fucceeding to an eftate because the inheritance bur dens him with a quit-rent-The fubject, I know, is complicated, and this is not the place, even had I the abilities, to detail it.-I do but point it out to your confideration, at a period when it may be confidered with advantage; when peace has left both countries leifure for the dif cuffion, and when Britain is in a fituation to make her friendship a privilege, and her difpleasure a misfortune. If there is patriotism on either fide of the water, it will compromise little loffes for the attainment of an object so effential to the future fecurity of the empire.

I will not add to the length of a letter already too long, by fuggeftions of a lefs important kind. There are local improvements and local abuses, of which a mini. fter may long remain ignorant from the very power that should procure him information; because that power creates a motive in individuals for concealment or mifreprefentation. A minifter is com monly milled by individuals; 'tis the broad and general voice of the people, informed by experience and prompted by neceffity, that can truly guide him. The information which he thus acquires is like the light of the fun, which equally illu minates every object around us; private official intelligence is often like a narrow dark-lanthorn gleam, that only enlightens a corner.

If I fhall find it neceffary to trouble you with any further communications, they fhall at least have the merit of fidelity. Abfolutely unknown, though I believe not altogether unnoticed, I cannot be allured by the hope of reward; and it can alarm none but bad men, to be told, that falfehood is the only danger I fhall fear.

BRUTUS.

Account

Account of Sir JOHN SINCLAIR, Bt. SIR JOHN SINCLAIR was born in the year 1754, and is the only furviving fon of the late George Sinclair, Efq; of Ulbfter, in the county of Caithnefs, North-Britain his mother was Lady Jane Sutherland, defcended from the ancient and refpe&table family of that name. His education commenced at the highschool of Edinburgh, and was completed at the universities of Edinburgh, Glaf. gow, and Oxford.

Inheriting from his ancestors the most extensive property of any individual in his native county, where he usually refides during the recefles of parliament, and one of his family, Sir George Sinclair of Clyth, having for many years reprefented the county of Caithnefs in the Scottish parliament; thefe circumstances naturally led him to direct the course of his ftudies, at an early period of life, to political inveftigations.

Thus qualified for the important truft, he was unanimously chofen in the year 1780 to reprefent the county of Caithnefs in the fifteenth parliament of Great Britain. In the laft parliament he fat for the borough of Leftwithiel in Cornwall, after being unfuccefsful in a conteft with the Rt Hon. Charles Fox for the burghs of Kirkwall, &c.

On Feb. 4. 1786 his Majefty conferred on him the dignity of a Baronet of Great Britain.

At the laft general election 1790, he was, the second time, unanimously chofen to reprefent Caithness, his native county, in the prefent parliament, which is the feventeenth of Great Britain.

Sir John has been twice married. First, to Sarah the daughter of Alexander Maitland, Efq; of Stoke Newington, Middlefex, nearly related to the Lauderdale family; by that lady, who died in 1786, he had two daughters, who are living. Secondly, To the Hon. Diana Macdonald, his prefent wife, daughter of Alexander Lord Macdonald, the reprefentative of the ancient Earls of Rofs, and of the once powerful Lords of the Ifles of Scotland; by whom he has an infant fon.

Though Sir John Sinclair has diftinguished himself in an eminent degree by his general political knowledge, by his fuperior ability in financial science, and by his affiduous attention to his parlia. mentary duties, he is not a frequent fpeaker in the Houfe; but when he takes a decifive part in any debate, it is fome important question which calls him up, and

his arguments have always had effect. › Coming into parliament on his own natural intereft (for when he fat for Leftwithiel, where he had none, his feat for that borough was only a compenfation for his recommending and fupporting the election of the prefent Sir Charles Rofs for the burghs of Kirkwall, &c.) he has always acted as became an independent reprefentative of the people; and has often endeavoured, but in vain, to establish a union among perfons of that defcription.

In fact, there are but few members who are not shackled by party-connections before they enter the Houfe ;-and those who are not, cannot easily be prevailed on to associate together. Such a union, however, appeared so important to Sir John, that he wrote feveral papers upon the subject, and circulated them among the members of the Houfe of Commons in 1783. These papers contain principles and matters of information which may prove highly ferviceable in future times, when a union of the independent members may be again agitated.

We are now to follow Sir John Sinclair to Edinburgh, where he has taken, and ftill continues to take, an active part in establishing a society for the improvement of British wool, one of the first objects that can be attended to in this country. The inftitution took place on the 5th of November 1790, vol. 52. p. 565.] and its progrefs is likely to produce the moft beneficial effects to the woollen manufactories of Great Britain. It is likewife faid, that he is collecting materials for printing a Statistical account of Scotland, which will amply explain the political ftate of that part of the united kingdoms; and may probably be the forerunner of a fimilar defcription of England, fo much wanted.

Sir John Sinclair's literary talents need no other illustration than that which they derive from a variety of useful publications; the principal of which are,

1. The hiftory of the public revenue of the British empire, in 2 vols. 4to.

2. Obfervations on the Scottish dialect, drawn up with a view of correcting any vernacular errors he might fall into himfelf; and published for the benefit of his countrymen; in the laudable design of making the two nations, already united by their laws and government, the fame in point of language.

3. Lucubrations, during a fhort recefs, on the fubject of a reformation in parlia

ment:

ment: Containing, apparently, the best plan of reform that has hitherto been fuggefted. Several answers to this tract were published; but one in particular by the prefent Lord Camelford, in a Letter to the Author, is drawn up with great ability.

4. Thoughts on the naval state of the Britif empire; ftating the natural advantages this country poffeffes for main taining a great naval force, and defend. ing the former naval glory of the king dom from fome infinuations which had been thrown out against it in print.

5. Hints on the ftate of our finances; being the first publication afferting the ample resources of the nation.

Europ. Mag.

M.

Adventures of Colonel DANIEL BOONE, one of the original fettlers at Kentucke: Containing the wars with the Indians on the Obio, from 1769 to 1784; and the first establishment and progrefs of the fettlement on that river. Written by bimfelf.

IT was on the 1ft of May 1769 that I refigned my domeftic happiness, and left my family and peaceable habitation on the Yadkin river, in North Carolina, to wander through the wilderness of America, in queft of the country of Kentucke, in company with John Finley, John Stuart, Jofeph Holden, James Money, and William Cool. On the 7th of June, after travelling through a moun tainous wilderness in a western direction, we found ourselves on Red river, where John Finley had formerly been trading with the Indians; and from the top of an eminence faw with pleasure the beautiful level of Kentucke. For fome time we had experienced the most uncomfortable weather. We now encamped, made a fhelter to defend us from the inclement season, and began to hunt, and reconnaitre the country. We found abundance of wild beafts in this vaft foreft The buffaloes were more numerous than cattle on other fettlements, browzing on the leaves of the cane, or cropping the herbage on these extensive plains. We faw hundreds in a drove, and the numbers about the salt springs were amazing. In this foreft, the habitation of beafts of every American kind, we hunted with fuccefs until December.

On the 22d of December, John Stuart and I had a pleafing ramble; but fortune changed the day at the clofe of it. We had paffed through a great forest, in which food myriads of trees, fome gay with bloffoms, others rich with fruits. Na

ture was here a series of wonders, and fund of delight. Here the difplayed her ingenuity and induftry in a variety of flowers and fruits, beautifully coloured, elegantly shaped, and charmingly flavoured; and we were diverted with numberlefs animals presenting themselves perpetually to our view. In the decline of the day, near Kentucke river, as we afcended the brow of a small hill, a number of Indians rushed out of a thick cane-brake, and made us prifoners. The Indians plundered us, and kept us in confinement feven days. During this, we difcovered no uneafiness or defire to escape, which made them lefs fufpicions; but in the dead of night, as we lay by a large fire in a thick cane-brake, when fleep had locked up their fenfes, my fituation not difpofing me to reft, I gently awoke my companion. We feized this favourable opportunity, and departed, directing our courfe towards our old camp, but found it plundered, and our company dispersed, or gone home.

About this time my brother, Squire Boone, with another adventurer, who came to explore the country shortly af ter us, was wandering through the foreft, and accidentally found our camp. Notwithstanding our unfortunate_circumftances, and our dangerous fituation, furrounded with hoftile favages, our meeting fortunately in the wilder nefs gave us the most sensible satisfaction. Soon after this, my companion in captivity, John Stuart, was killed by the favages; and the man that came with my brother returned home by himself. were then in a dangerous helpless fituation, expofed daily to perils and death amongst favages and wild beafts, not a white man in the country but ourselves.

We

Thus, many hundred miles from our families in the howling wilderness, we did not continue in a state of indolence, but hunted every day, and prepared a little cottage to defend us from the winter storms. We met with no disturbance during the winter. On the 1ft of May 1770, my brother returned home by himfelf for a new recruit of horfes and ammunition, leaving me alone, without bread, falt, or fugar, or even a horfe or dog. I paffed a few days uncomfortably. The idea of a beloved wife and family, and their anxiety on my account, would have difpofed me to melancholy, if I had further indulged the thought.

One day I undertook a tour through the country, when the diverfity and

beauties

beauties of nature. I met with in this charming feason, expelled every gloomy thought. Just at the close of day, the gentle gales ceased; a profound calm en. fued; not a breath fhook the tremulous Jeaf. I had gained the fummit of a commanding ridge, and, looking round with aftonishing delight, beheld the ample plains and beauteous tracts below. On one hand I furveyed the famous Ohio rolling in filent dignity, and marking the western boundary of Kentucke with inconceivable grandeur. At a vaft diftance I beheld the mountains lift their vene. rable brows and penetrate the clouds. All things were fill. I kindled a fire near a fountain of sweet water, and feafted on the loin of a buck which a few hours before I had killed. The fhades of night foon overspread the hemifphere, and the earth feemed to gafp after the hovering moisture. My excurfion had fatigued my body, and amused my mind. I laid me down to fleep, and awoke not until the fun bad chafed away the night. I continued this tour, and in a few days explored a confiderable part of the country, each day equally pleased as at firft; after which I returned to my old camp, which had not been disturbed in my abfence. I did not confine my lodging to -it, but often reposed in thick cane-brakes to avoid the savages, who, I believe, often vifited my camp, but, fortunately for me, in my absence. No populous city, with all the varieties of commerce and ftately ftructures, could afford fo much pleasure to my mind as the beauties of nature I found in this country.

Until the 27th of July I spent the time in an uninterrupted scene of sylvan plea fures, when my brother, to my great felicity, met me, according to appointment, at our old camp. Soon after we left the place, and proceeded to Cumberland river, reconnoitring that part of the country, and giving names to the different rivers.

In March 1771 I returned home to my family, being determined to bring them as foon as poffible, at the risk of my life and fortune, to refide in Kentucke, which I efteemed a fecond paradife.

On my return I found my family in happy circumstances. I fold my farm at Yadkin, and what goods we could not carry with us; and on the 25th of Sept. 1773 we bade farewel to our friends, and proceeded on our journey to Kentucke, in company with five more families, and forty men that joined us in Powell's Val

ley, which is 150 miles from the now fettled parts of Kentucke; but this promising beginning was soon overcaft with a cloud of adverfity.

On the roth of October, the rear of our company was attacked by a number of Indians, who killed fix and wounded one man. Of these my eldest son was one that fell in the action. Though we repulfed the enemy, yet this unhappy affair scattered our cattle, brought us into extreme difficulty, and fo discouraged the whole company, that we retreated forty miles to Clench river. We had paffed over two mountains, Powell's and Walden's, and were approaching Cumberland mountain, when this adverse fortune overtook us. These mountains are in the wilderness, in paffing from the old fettlements in Virginia to Kentucke, are ranged in a fouth-weft and north-east direction, are of great length and breadth, and not far diftant from each other. Over them nature hath formed paffes, lefs difficult than might be expected from the view of fuch huge piles. The aspect of thefe cliffs is fo wild and horrid, that it is impoffible to behold them without ter

ror.

Until the 6th of June 1774 I remained with my family on the Clench, when I and Michael Stoner were folicited by Gọvernor Dunmore of Virginia, to conduct a number of furveyors to the falls of Ohio. This was a tour of near 800 miles, and took us fixty-two days. On my return, Governor Dunmore gave me the command of three garrifons, during the campaign against the Shawanese.

In March 1775, at the folicitation of a number of gentlemen of North Carolina, I attended their treaty at Wataga, with the Cherokee Indians, to purchase the lands on the fouth fide of Kentucke river. After this, I undertook to mark out a road in the best paffage from the fettlements, through the wilderness to Kentucke.

Having collected a number of enterprifing men, well armed, I foon began this work. We proceeded until we came within fifteen miles of where Boonsborough now ftands, where the Indians attacked us, and killed two, and wounded two more. This was the 20th of March 1775. Three days after, they attacked us again; we had two killed, and three wounded. After this, we proceeded on to Kentucke river without oppofition. [To be continued.]

PAR

PARLIAMENT.

in the Houfe of Commons, Dec. 16. on the motion for bringing up the report on the armament-budget (vol. 52. p. 588.], a fhort debate took place, after which the refolutions were read. The measure of appropriating the unclaimed dividends for the ufe of the public was delayed till after the holidays.

On Dec. 17. Mr Rose brought in the annual malt-tax bil, additional malt-tax bill, additional fugar-duty bill, the affeffed taxes bill, the fpirit-duty bill, and the game-licence bill, which were feverally read a first

time.

On Dec 20. the additional fugar-duty bill was read a fecond time and ordered to be committed.

Mr Pitt obferved, that it was not a very material object with him to have this business ended before the holidays. Something, perhaps, might be fuggefted relative to the nature of drawbacks. He fhould therefore move, that this bill be committed before a committee of the whole Houfe on the 7th of February next, to which the House agreed.

The queftion being then put for the fecond reading of the additional malt-duty bill, Mr Huffey faid, he wifhed he could induce the Chancellor of the Exchequer to abandon this tax, which would, if enforced, bear hard on a meritorious clafs of people. The additional duty on malt would ruin private breweries and drive the poor mechanic to an ale-house, the bane of induftry:

Mr Martin was also against the tax, which would additionally opprefs the poor of the kingdom, who did not live as comfortably as they ought. He fuggefted a tax upon dogs, which would bear hard upon no one at a fhilling per year for each dog.

Mr Powys objected to the malt-bill, as a tax on an article of confumption already overburdened, and as partial in its operation, by falling on thofe only who brewed for their own ufe, and exempting the metropolis.

Alderman Le Mefurier was for the tax. Mr Drake jun. was againft the tax, as oppreffive to the poor, and propofed the opening of a patriot fund to buy off the tax; he doubted not their feelings for the poor would induce Gentlemen to fubfcribe liberally; and, as he had proposed the meature, he would be the first moft willingly to fubscribe to it :-If the Rt Hon. Chancellor of the Exchequer would appoint the opening of books, he would fubfcribe two hundred guineas.

Mr Rofe begged Gentlemen to remember what had been stated on a former night, namely, that the additional duty would not aniount to more than a farthing a gallon on the ftrongeft beer that could be brewed, and VOL. LIII. January 1791.

the third of a farthing on small beer. In his opinion, therefore, there was no danger of driving the poor to ale-houtes, where they muft pay infinitely higher for their beer than the encreafe of price in malt would cause on what they confumed at home, every perfon brewing their own beverage having an advantage over the public brewer of 6s. 11 d. the barrel. He faid, if the private brewer was to pay equal with the public, it would occafion the rife of a million additional to the revenue.--He concluded by showing that the country had no reafon to complain of being partially burdened; London at least being equally fo in the additional duty on spirits, and the ten per centage on affeffed taxes.

Mr Feele faid, the tax would be more productive, and lefs oppreffive, if, instead of an additional duty of three-pence, a duty of three half-pence fhould be laid on malt, and no drawback be allowed to the public brewer. He expreffed a strong opinion of the refources of the country, and concluded by observing, that if we nurfed and protected our manufactures, we should, without the asfiftance of allies, maintain our wealth, our strength, and our consequence for ever.

Mr Courtenay said, many private breweries had been put an end to by the last additional duty; he was convinced the prefent would deftroy the remainder. He confidered the tax to be meant as a commemoration-tax for the great benefits obtained by the convention, in which the Rt Hon. Gentleman (Mr Pitt) had compelled the jealous Spaniard to take the Spanish padlock off the Pacific Ocean, and hazard its receffes to the vigorous embraces of British mariners and lusty Aldermen.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer faid, it would be infinitely more agreeable to him to carry a meafure without unpopularity, than to carry any measure that might be unpopular; it was his duty, however, to propofe what he imagined to be likely the moft productive, and the leaft injurious to the country at large, without regard to the confequences, either of popularity or unpopularity. He then entered into the objections made to the tax, and begged to afk Gentlemen if, from the increase propofed, which would not occafion a rife of more than one farthing a gallon on strong, and the third of a farthing on fmall beer, thofe evils could ferioufly be expected to fall on the private breweries, as had been dreaded by fome gentlemen who oppofed the bill.The tax on dogs, he said, he had often heard propofed, but had never feen a practicable plan, nor did he conceive it was practica. ble. He understood, however, that several refpe&table gentlemen were confidering of a parochial rate on dogs to relieve the poor's Whenever any practicable plan for

tax.