was a very great mob at the House this day; they did no mischief, but they huzzaed the Friends of Ireland, as they called them, and called out for a free trade, &c.

It is in vain to flatter you with any expectations of carrying the Money Bills for the usual period; all efforts are now too late. I do not think any man could save that point; but that being over, I have hopes that measures might be taken to reinstate the King's Government in this country; but I shall once more take the liberty of repeating that it can never be done while Sir Richard Heron remains here; there is not a man in Ireland who either can or will draw with him; they despise and distrust him; and his utter incapacity is so apparent in every instance that ruin must be the consequence of his remaining here. It is owing to the conduct of a few men in Opposition, who will not suffer others to fly at any game under a free trade, and who stick to that single object, that every part of Government is not overturned. Mr. Daly, who is one of the ablest young men in this or any other country, and whose good sense and extensive property prevents his wishing to see confusion, is the principal means of preventing Opposition from going every length. This gentleman is well disposed to Government, although he has positively refused them to come in now.

If

you either totally change our Government, or send us a Secretary of good sense and firmness, on whom gentlemen can rely, and who will take the field without fear, things may be retrieved, after the passing the short Money Bill, to stop which I believe it is impossible now. It would be happy if you could get some one who was

known here, and on whom the gentlemen in Parliament have a dependence, such a man as Lord Frederick Campbell, if he could be persuaded to come. No one conducted himself better than he did when here; but, for God's sake, lose no time in coming to a final resolution, and putting it into execution.

I am, my dear Sir, most sincerely yours,

J. B.

THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL TO MR. ROBINSON.

Dublin, 21st Nov., 1779.

MY DEAR FRIEND,-At a meeting of the Confidentials, as they are called, last night, Sir Richard Heron having confessed that if he opposed a short Money Bill he would be left in a minority of thirty or forty, in order to protect those few from public vengeance, it was agreed that it was best not to try it, but to endeavour to turn the concession to some account, and to make an effort towards providing for the arrear, and increasing the loan fund. The causes that have co-operated to render Government so weak for the last two years, are shortly, the omitting America in His Excellency's speech on his arrival, in order to purchase what has turned out an American support to his Administration; and a foolish rhapsody of Mr. Conolly's in the House, insulting every former Administration, and announcing that this Administration was to be a system of retrenchment. Thus, while a remnant of Lord Townshend's or Lord

VOL. I.

G

Harcourt's strength remained, Administration here scrambled through a session by vilifying their predecessors for furnishing the means by which alone His Excellency existed here. But when these popular demagogues got the reins, and, strengthened by the favour of the Chief Governor, found themselves rooted in power and station, they grew tired of their self-denying ordinance; they demanded additional offices, bishoprics, and reversions. Then, feeling some obstruction, they discovered that Sir Richard Heron was a mean, groveling, selfish, treacherous fellow; that he had neither the virtues nor the vices of a gentleman, and no talent but that of deceit; and that these defects were not sufficiently atoned for in the generosity or good sense of his principal. The popular squadron, from the instant of their disappointment, sought their strength in the volunteers, the mob, free trade, and a short Money Bill. I verily believe that Mr. Conolly and the Duke of Leinster have persuaded His Excellency that his popularity would terrify English Government from removing him; and that if the conduct of Ireland can shake the present English Administration, the next one would naturally deal kindly by so good a benefactor as Lord Buckingham. I must say, that Irish Administration being now effectually a part of English Opposition, if Lord Buckingham survives Lord North, their reasoning is unanswerable.

I am justified in saying there is no Government in this kingdom; that there is neither spirit, exertion, or zeal, on the part of Administration; on the other hand, here is a people mixed with Republicans, French and

American emissaries, most of them of the religion of France, and the principles of America, admitted by both Houses of Parliament to be starving, perishing with arms in the hands of fifty thousand, and asking they know not how little they ask for. Nor does Great Britain seem to consider how much she hazards the loss of in refusing that little. What is it? To repeal restrictive laws, which in time of peace do not operate, and in time of war are a dead letter. War is the restriction which we now feel. Let me, then, entreat you not to bring both kingdoms into bloodshed by refusing what, if you gave us, can do you no harm, and which, if it operates at all, must ultimately operate for Great Britain.

Send us two men, or one man of ability and spirit; send him with the promise of extension of commerce in his mouth as he enters the harbour, unconnected with this contemptible tail of English Opposition, meaning well to the King, to his servants, and to the country, and he will rule us with ease; but if you procrastinate, or send us a timid or popular trickster, this kingdom will cost you more than America; it will cost you your existence and ours. You make an unnecessary scruple in desiring my permission to show my letters to Lord Thurlow, or any one whom you think as highly of as I do of his Lordship. I can have but one objection, that is, that I scribble in confusion and hurry to you,

a

Edward, first Lord Thurlow, son of the Rev. Thomas Thurlow and Elizabeth Smith; appointed, 1770, Solicitor-General; 1771, Attorney-General; appointed Lord-Chancellor 1778; resigned 1792; M.P. for Tamworth 1767 to 1778; created, 1778, Baron Thurlow; died 1806.

trusting to your discretion that my letters are not turned to any man's prejudice. I sometimes pity His Excellency, when I think him sincere; but when I find his partialities or his weaknesses banish judgment and truth, I think him a shabby scholar of Lord Chesterfield in politics and in morals.

Ever yours affectionately and truly,

JOHN SCOTT.

Read the inclosed, to show you that I do not write in resentment or in wrath.

Enclosure.

FROM HIS EXCELLENCY THE EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE

TO THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL.

Dublin Castle, Nov. 17th, 1779.

DEAR SIR, NO sensations are so peculiarly painful to my mind as either the idea of a friend's having conceived any suspicion of my good regard, or any doubting of that disposition, on his part, which my heart tells me is my due.

Some late circumstances have induced me, perhaps erroneously, to imagine you may have admitted an impression that justice is not completely done by me to the zeal which you have uniformly exerted previous to and during my Administration for the mutual interests of the two kingdoms; and that there has been a withholding of such distinguished confidence and favour as your conduct and character incontestably claim. Permit me, therefore, for the satisfaction of my own feelings, to express the fullest sense of your deservings, not only as