1855

January 6th. (To E. B. Washburne.) I telegraphed you as to the organization of the two Houses. T. J. Turner elected Speaker, 40 to 24; House not full; Doctor Richmond of Schuyler was his opponent; Anti-Nebraska also elected all the other officers of the House of Representatives. In the Senate AntiNebraska elected George T. Brown, of the Alton Courier, secretary; and Doctor Ray, of the Galena Jeffersonian, one of the clerks. In fact they elected all the officers, but some of them were Nebraska men elected over the regular Nebraska nominees. It is said that by this they get one or two Nebraska senators to go for bringing on the senatorial election. I can not vouch for this. As to the senatorial election, I think very little more is known than was before the meeting of the Legislature. Besides the ten or a dozen on our side who are willing to be known as candidates, I think there are fifty secretly watching for a chance. I do not know that it is much advantage to have the largest number of votes at the start. If I did know this to be an advantage, I should feel better, for I can not doubt but I have more committals than any other man.'

The "Anti-Nebraska Men" discern that the "Nebraska Men" who are supporting Douglas and his policies are working secretly for a combination of all "Nebraska Men," Whigs and Democrats, to elect as Senator the Democratic Governor, Joel A. Matteson. They strive in vain to head off this movement toward a "Nebraska" coalition.

February 9th. (To E. B. Washburne.) The agony is over at last, and the result you doubtless know. I write this only to give you some particulars to explain what might appear difficult of understanding. I began with 44 votes, Shields 41, and Trumbull 5-yet Trumbull was elected. In fact, 47 different members voted for me―getting three new ones on the second ballot, and losing four old ones. How came my 47 to yield to Trumbull's 5? It was Governor Matteson's work. He has been secretly a candidate ever since (before, even) the fall election. All the members round about the canal were Anti-Nebraska but were nevertheless nearly all Democrats and old personal friends of his. His plan was to privately impress them with the belief that he was as good Anti-Nebraska as any one else—at least could be secured to be so by instructions, which could be easily passed. In this way he got from four to six of that sort of men to really prefer his election to that of any other man-all sub rosa, of course. One notable instance of this sort was with Mr. Strunk of Kankakee. At the beginning of the session he came a volunteer to tell me he was for me and would walk a hundred miles to elect me; but lo! it was not long before he leaked it out that he was going for me the first few ballots and then for Governor Matteson.

The Nebraska men, of course, were not for Matteson; but when they found they could elect no avowed Nebraska man, they tardily determined to let him get whomever of our men he could, by whatever means he could, and ask him no questions. In the meantime Osgood, Don Morrison, and Trapp of St. Clair had openly gone over from us. With the united Nebraska force and their recruits, open and covert, it gave Matteson more than enough to elect him. We saw into it plainly ten days ago, but with every possible effort could not head it off. All that remained of the Anti-Nebraska force, excepting Judd, Cook, Palmer, Baker and Allen of Madison,

and two or three of the secret Matteson men, would go into caucus, and I could get the nomination of that caucus. But the three senators and one of the two representatives above named "could never vote for a Whig," and this incensed some twenty Whigs to "think" they would never vote for the man of the five. So we stood, and so we went into the fight yesterday-the Nebraska men very confident of the election of Matteson, though denying that he was a candidate, and we very much believing also that they would elect him. But they wanted first to make a show of good faith to Shields by voting for him a few times, and our secret Matteson men also wanted to make a show of good faith by voting with us a few times. So we led off. On the seventh ballot, I think, the signal was given to the Nebraska men to turn to Matteson, which they acted on to a man, with one exception, my old friend Strunk going with them, giving him 44 votes.

Next ballot the remaining Nebraska man and one pretended Anti went over to him, giving him 46. The next, still another, giving him 47, wanting only three of an election. In the meantime our friends, with a view of detaining our expected bolters, had been turning from me to Trumbull till he had risen to 35 and I had been reduced to 15. These would never desert me except by my direction; but I became satisfied that if we could prevent Matteson's election one or two ballots more, we could not possibly do so a single ballot after my friends should begin to return to me from Trumbull. So I determined to strike at once, and accordingly advised my remaining friends to go for him, which they did and elected him on the tenth ballot.

Such is the way the thing was done. I think you would have done the same under the circumstances; though Judge Davis, who came down this morning, declared he never would have consented to the forty-seven men being controlled by the five. I regret my defeat moderately, but I am not nervous

about it. I could have headed off every combination and been elected-had it not been for Matteson's double game-and his defeat now gives me more pleasure than my own gives me pain. On the whole, it is perhaps as well for our general cause that Trumbull is elected. The Nebraska men confess that they hate it worse than anything that could have happened. It is a great consolation to see them worse whipped than I am. I tell them it is their own fault-that they had abundant opportunity to choose between him and me, which they declined, and instead forced it on me to decide between him and Matteson.

Accepting defeat Lincoln turns back to his profession.

March 10th. (To Sanford, Porter and Striker.) Yours of the 5th is received, as also was that of 15th December last, inclosing bond of Clift to Pray. When I received the bond I was dabbling in politics, and of course neglecting business. Having since been beaten out I have gone to work again.

As I do not practise in Rushville I to-day open a correspondence with Henry E. Dummer, Esq., of Beardstown, Ills., with the view of getting the job into his hands. He is a good man if he will undertake it. Write me whether I shall do this or return the bond to you.

He is preoccupied with the new issue over slavery and constantly seeking to find ways of fighting the "Nebraska Men."

23rd. (To A. B. Moreau.) Stranger though I am, personally, being a brother in the faith, I venture to write to you. Yates can not come to your court next week. He is obliged to be at Pike court where he has a case, with a fee of five hundred dollars, two hundred dollars already paid. To neglect it would be unjust to himself, and dishonest to his client. Harris will be with you, head up tail up, for Nebraska. You

must have some one to make an anti-Nebraska speech. Palmer is the best, if you can get him, I think. Jo. Gillespie, if you can not get Palmer, and somebody anyhow, if you can get neither. But press Palmer hard.

August 11th. Know Nothingism has not yet entirely tumbled to pieces. Nay, it is even a little encouraged by the late election in Tennessee, Kentucky and Alabama. Until we can get the elements of this organization there is not sufficient material to successfully combat the Nebraska democracy with. We can not get them so long as they cling to a hope of success under their own organization; and I fear an open push by us now may offend them and tend to prevent our ever getting them. About us here, they are mostly my old political and personal friends, and I have hoped this organization would die out without the painful necessity of my taking an open stand against them. Of their principles I think little better than I do of those of the slavery extensionists. Indeed I do not perceive how any one professing to be sensitive to the wrongs of the negro, can join in a league to degrade a class of white men. I have no objection to "fuse" with any body provided I can fuse on grounds which I think right. And I believe the opponents of slavery extension could now do this if it were not for the K. N.ism. In many speeches last summer I advised those who did me the honor of a hearing to "stand with" any body who stands right, and I am still quite willing to follow my own advice.

His strong literary bent leads him to strive constantly after phrases to express the new issue.

15th. On the question of liberty as a principle, we are not what we have been. When we were the political slaves of King George, and wanted to be free, we called the maxim that "all men are created equal" a self-evident truth, but now when we