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me nearly all day yesterday, and left last night with three short resolutions which I drew up, and which, or the substance of which, I think, would do much good if introduced and unanimously supported by our friends. They do not touch the territorial question. Mr. Weed goes to Washington with them; and says he will first of all confer with you and Mr. Hamlin. I think it would be best for Mr. Seward to introduce them, and Mr. Weed will let him know that I think so. Show this to Mr. Hamlin, but beyond him do not let my name be known in the matter.

(To E. B. Washburne.) Last night I received your letter giving an account of your interview with General Scott, and for which I thank you. Please present my respects to the General, and tell him, confidentially, I shall be obliged to him to be as well prepared as he can to either hold or retake the forts, as the case may require, at and after the inauguration.

22nd. (To Alexander H. Stephens.) Your obliging answer to my short note is just received, and for which please accept my thanks. I fully appreciate the present peril the country is in, and the weight of responsibility on me. Do the people of the South really entertain fears that a Republican administration would, directly or indirectly, interfere with the slaves, or with them about the slaves? If they do, I wish to assure you, as once a friend, and still I hope not an enemy, that there is no cause for such fears. The South would be in no more danger in this respect than it was in the days of Washington. I suppose, however, this does not meet the case. You think slavery is right and ought to be extended, while we think it is wrong and ought to be restricted. That, I suppose, is the rub. It certainly is the only substantial difference between us.

24th. I expect to be able to offer Mr. Blair a place in the Cabinet; but I can not, as yet, be committed on the matter, to any extent whatever.

Despatches have come here two days in succession, that the Forts in South Carolina will be surrendered by the order, or consent at least, of the President [Buchanan].

I can scarcely believe this; but if it prove true, I will, if our friends at Washington concur, announce publicly at once that they are to be retaken after the inauguration. This will give the Union men a rallying cry, and preparation will proceed somewhat on their side, as well as on the other.

(To Hannibal Hamlin.) I need a man (in the Cabinet) of Democratic antecedents from New England. I can not get a fair share of that element in without. This stands in the way of Mr. Adams. I think of Governor Banks, Mr. Welles, and Mr. Tuck. Which of them do the New England delegation prefer? Or shall I decide for myself?

28th. Committee of Thirteen reports, in effect, that it can not devise a sectional compact which both North and South will accept. The Southern members of the Committee will not agree to anything short of a redivision of the Territories between slavery and freedom. The Republican members under Lincoln's direction refuse to concur in the establishment of any new slave Territories. Thus the compromise negotiations come to an end.

30th. South Carolina demands the withdrawal of Federal garrisons from all forts within her borders.

31st. (To Salmon P. Chase.) In these troublous times I would much like a conference with you. Please visit me here at once.

(To Simon Cameron.) I think fit to notify you now, that by your permission I shall at the proper time nominate you to the United States Senate for confirmation as Secretary of the Treasury, or as Secretary of War-which of the two I have not yet definitely decided. Please answer at your earliest convenience.

1861

January. There were stories and rumors before I left home, about people who intended to do me mischief. I never attached much importance to them-never wanted to believe any such thing about them in the way of taking precautions and the like. Some of my friends, though, thought differently— Judd and others—and without my knowledge, they employed a detective (Allan Pinkerton) to look into the matter.

(To Joseph Gillespie.) Every hour adds to the difficulties. I am called upon to meet, and the present administration does nothing to check the tendency toward dissolution. I, who have been called to meet this awful responsibility, am compelled to remain here doing nothing to avert it or lessen its force when it comes to me.

Secession is being fostered rather than repressed, and if the doctrine meets with a general acceptance in the border States, it will be a great blow to the government. I suppose you will never forget that trial down in Montgomery County, where the lawyer associated with you gave away the whole case in his opening speech. I saw you signaling to him, but you couldn't stop him. Now, that's just the way with me and Buchanan. He is giving away the case, and I have nothing to say, and can't stop him.

While Lincoln is deeply distressed over the course of events at Washington which he is powerless to control, the intrigues at Springfield over Cabinet appointments drive him well nigh to distraction. He feels constrained in some cases to reconsider his first intentions.

3rd. (To Cameron.) When you were here, about the last of December, I handed you a letter saying I should at the proper time nominate you to the Senate for a place in the Cabinet. It is due to you and to truth for me to say you were here by my invitation, and not upon any suggestion of your own. You have not as yet signified to me whether you would accept the appointment, and with much pain I now say to you that you will relieve me from great embarrassment by allowing me to recall the offer. This springs from an unexpected complication, and not from any change of my view as to the ability or faithfulness with which you would discharge the duties of the place.

I now think I will not definitely fix upon any appointment for Pennsylvania until I reach Washington.

You will say this comes of an interview with McClure; and this is partly, but not wholly, true. The more potent matter is wholly outside of Pennsylvania; and yet I am not at liberty to specify it. Enough that it appears to me to be sufficient. And now I suggest that you write me declining the appointment, in which case I do not object to its being known that it was tendered you. Better do this at once, before things so change that you can not honorably decline, and I be compelled to openly recall the tender. No person living knows or has an intimation that I write this letter.

(To Seward.) I have been considering your suggestions as to my reaching Washington somewhat earlier than is usual. It seems to me the inauguration is not the most dangerous point for us. Our adversaries have us now clearly at disadvantage. On the second Wednesday of February, when the votes should be officially counted, if the two Houses refuse to meet at all, or meet without a quorum of each, where shall we be? I do not think that this counting is constitutionally essential to the election; but how are we to proceed in absence of it? In view of this, I think it best for me not to attempt

appearing in Washington till the result of that ceremony is

known.

It certainly would be of some advantage if you could know who are to be at the heads of the War and Navy departments; but until I can ascertain definitely whether I can get any suitable men from the South, and who, and how many, I can not well decide. As yet, I have no word from Mr. Gilmer in answer to my request for an interview with him. I look for something on the subject, through you, before long.

7th. Gen. C. has not been offered the Treasury and I think he will not be. It seems to me not only highly proper but a necessity that Gov. Chase shall take their place. His ability, firmness, and purity of character produce this propriety; and that he alone can reconcile Mr. Bryant and his class to the appointment of Gov. C. to the State Department produces the necessity. But then comes the danger that the protectionists of Pennsylvania will be dissatisfied; and to clear this difficulty Gen. C. must be brought to co-operate. He would readily do this for the War Department. But then comes the fierce opposition to his having any Department, threatening even to send charges into the Senate to procure his rejection by that body. Now, what I would most like, and what I think he should prefer too, under the circumstances, would be to retain his place in the Senate, and if that place has been promised to another let that other take a respectable and reasonably lucrative place abroad. Also, let Gen. C.'s friends be, with entire fairness, cared for in Pennsylvania and elsewhere.

9th. Mississippi secedes. 10th. Florida secedes.

11th. (To General Winfield Scott.) I herewith beg leave to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of the 4th instant, inclosing (documents Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6) copies

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