asking to withdraw your acceptance of my invitation to take charge of the State Department, was duly received. It is the subject of the most painful solicitude with me, and I feel constrained to beg that you will countermand the withdrawal. The public interest, I think, demands that you should; and my personal feelings are deeply enlisted in the same direction. Please consider and answer by 9 A. M. to-morrow.

Seward decides to serve as Secretary of State.

5th. (To the Pennsylvania Delegation, Washington.) Allusion has been made to the hope that you entertain that you have a President and a government. In respect to that I wish to say to you that in the position I have assumed I wish to do more than I have ever given reason to believe I would do. I do not wish you to believe that I assume to be any better than others who have gone before me. I prefer rather to have it understood that if we ever have a government on the principles we profess, we should remember, while we exercise our opinion, that others have also rights to the exercise of their opinions, and that we should endeavor to allow these rights, and act in such a manner as to create no bad feeling. I hope we have a government and a President. I hope, and wish it to be understood, that there may be no allusion to unpleasant differences.

We must remember that the people of all the States are entitled to all the privileges and immunities of the citizens of the several States. We should bear this in mind, and act in such a way as to say nothing insulting or irritating. I would inculcate this idea, so that we may not, like the Pharisees, set ourselves up to be better than other people.

9th. (To General Scott.) On the 5th instant I received from the Honorable Joseph Holt, the then faithful and vigilant Secretary of War, a letter of that date, inclosing a letter and

accompanying documents received by him on the 4th instant from Major Robert Anderson, commanding Fort Sumter, South Carolina; and copies of all which I now transmit. Immediately on receipt of them by me, I transmitted the whole to you for your consideration, and the same day you returned the package to me with your opinion indorsed upon it, a copy of which opinion I now also transmit to you. Learning from you verbally that since then you have given the subject a more full and thorough consideration, you will much oblige me by giving answers, in writing, to the following interrogatories:

(1). To what point of time can Major Anderson maintain his position at Fort Sumter, without fresh supplies or reinforcement?

(2). Can you, with all the means now in your control, supply or reinforce Fort Sumter within that time?

(3). If not, what amount of means, and of what description, in addition to that already at your control, would enable you to supply and reinforce that fortress within the time?

Please answer these, adding such statements, information, and counsel as your great skill and experience may suggest.

Scott advises the withdrawal of the Sumter garrison on the ground that he lacks the military force necessary to relieve it. The question of holding Fort Pickens on the Florida coast is also under discussion. The steamship Brooklyn, lying off Fort Pickens has on board a detachment of Federal troops. The President despatches orders to the Brooklyn to place these troops in the fort.

15th. (Note asking Cabinet opinions on Fort Sumter.) Assuming it to be possible to now provision Fort Sumter, under all the circumstances is it wise to attempt it? Please give me your opinion in writing on this question.

Cabinet divides on the subject of relieving Sumter.

Seward heads the majority, advising the surrender of Sumter to the Confederates. Seward thinks the war scare will blow over if there is no bloodshed. The others think the North is not ready to fight. No action is taken.

The President is largely engrossed in making appointments to office.

18th. (To Secretary Seward.) I believe it is a necessity with us to make the appointments I mentioned last night-that is, Charles F. Adams to England, William L. Dayton to France, George P. Marsh to Sardinia, and Anson Burlingame to Austria. These gentlemen all have my highest esteem; but no one of them is originally suggested by me, except Mr. Dayton. Mr. Adams I take, because you suggested him, coupled with his eminent fitness for the place. Mr. Marsh and Mr. Burlingame I take because of the intense pressure of their respective States, and their fitness also.

(To Attorney-General Bates.) I shall be obliged if you will give me your opinion in writing whether, under the Constitution and existing laws, the executive has power to collect duties on shipboard off shore in cases where their collection in the ordinary way is by any cause rendered impracticable. This would include the question of lawful power to prevent the landing of dutiable goods unless the duties were paid.

26th. (To the Senate.) I have received a copy of the resolution of the Senate, passed on the 25th instant, requesting me, if in my opinion not incompatible with the public interest, to communicate to the Senate the despatches of Major Robert Anderson to the War Department during the time he has been in command of Fort Sumter. On examination of the correspondence thus called for, I have, with the highest respect for the Senate, come to the conclusion that at the present moment the publication of it would be inexpedient.

29th. President again consults the Cabinet upon the question of evacuating Sumter. The majority is now in favor of holding Sumter and accepting war if that is necessary. They have had their ears to the ground and now think that the North is in a mood to fight. Seward still favors evacuation.

(To the Secretary of War.) I desire that an expedition, to move by sea, be got ready to sail as early as the 6th of April next, the whole according to memorandum attached, and that you co-operate with the Secretary of the Navy for that object.

30th. (To John T. Stuart.) Cousin Lizzie shows me your letter of the 27th. The question of giving her the Springfield Post-office troubles me. You see I have already appointed William Jayne a territorial governor and Judge Trumbull's brother to a landoffice. Will it do for me to go on and justify the declaration that Trumbull and I have divided out all the offices among our relatives? Doctor Wallace, you know, is needy, and looks to me; and I personally owe him much.

I see by the papers, a vote is to be taken as to the Postoffice. Could you not set up Lizzie and beat them all? She, being here, need know nothing of it, so therefore there would be no indelicacy on her part.

April 1st: Seward submits to the President a scheme of policy which in his judgment will unite North and South and avoid domestic war. He proposes to surrender Fort Sumter but hold Fort Pickens; to pick quarrels with Spain and France and if possible provoke a foreign war.

(To Secretary Seward.) Since parting with you I have been considering your paper dated this day, and entitled "Some Thoughts for the President's Consideration." The first prop

osition in it is, "First, We are at the end of a month's administration, and yet without a policy either domestic or foreign."

At the beginning of that month, in the Inaugural, I said: "The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and imposts." This had your distinct approval at the time; and, taken in connection with the order I immediately gave General Scott, directing him to employ every means in his power to strengthen and hold the forts, comprises the exact domestic policy you now urge, with the single exception that it does not propose to abandon Fort Sumter.

Again, I do not perceive how the reinforcement of Fort Sumter would be done on a slavery or a party issue, while that of Fort Pickens would be on a more national and patriotic

one.

The news received yesterday in regard to St. Domingo certainly brings a new item within the range of our foreign policy; but up to that time we have been preparing circulars and instructions to ministers and the like, all in perfect harmony, without even a suggestion that we had no foreign policy. Upon your closing propositions-that "whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of it.

"For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it incessantly.

"Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in it, or

"Devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, debates on it must end, and all agree and abide." I remark that if this must be done, I must do it. When a general line of policy is adopted, I apprehend there is no danger of its being changed without good reason, or continuing to be a subject of unnecessary debate; still, upon points arising in its progress I wish, and suppose I am entitled to have, the advice of all the Cabinet.