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every sense of the term-no violation of word, honor, or conscience. I don't believe you can guess, and so I might as well tell you at once. As the lawyer says, it was done in the manner following, to wit: After I had delayed the matter as long as I thought I could in honor do (which, by the way, had brought me round into last fall), I concluded I might as well bring it to a consummation without further delay, and so I mustered my resolution and made the proposal to her direct; but, shocking to relate, she answered, No. At first I supposed she did it through an affectation of modesty, which I thought but ill became her under the peculiar circumstances of her case, but on my renewal of the charge, I found she repelled it with greater firmness than before. I tried it again and again, but with the same success, or rather with the same want of success.

I finally was forced to give it up, at which I very unexpectedly found myself mortified almost beyond endurance. I was mortified, it seemed to me, in a hundred different ways. My vanity was deeply wounded by the reflection that I had so long been too stupid to discover her intentions, and at the same time never doubting that I understood them perfectly; and also that she, whom I had taught myself to believe nobody else would have, had actually rejected me with all my fancied greatness. And, to cap the whole, I then for the first time began to suspect that I was really a little in love with her. But let it all go! I'll try and outlive it. Others have been made fools of by girls; but this can never with truth be said of me. I most emphatically, in this instance, made a fool of myself. I have now come to the conclusion never again to think of marrying, and for this reason: I can never be satisfied with any one who would be blockhead enough to have me.

1838-1841

By this time he is a leading member of the Young Men's Lyceum, of Springfield. The stormy events of the year 1837, including the murder of Owen Lovejoy, are soon followed by a defense of law by young Lincoln.

January 27th, 1838. As a subject for the remarks of the evening, "The Perpetuation of our Political Institutions" is selected.

All the armies of Europe, Asia, and Africa combined, with all the treasure of the earth (our own excepted) in their military chest, with a Bonaparte for a commander, could not by force take a drink from the Ohio or make a track on the Blue Ridge in a trial of a thousand years.

At what point, then, is the approach of danger to be expected? I answer, If it ever reach us it must spring up among us; it can not come from abroad. If destruction be our lot we must ourselves be its author and finisher. As a nation of freemen we must live through all time or die by suicide.

I hope I am over-wary; but if I am not, there is even now something of ill omen among us. I mean the increasing disregard for law which pervades the country-the growing disposition to substitute the wild and furious passions in lieu of the sober judgment of courts, and the worse than savage mobs for the executive ministers of justice. Here, then, is one point at which danger may be expected.

The question recurs, "How shall we fortify against it?" The answer is simple. Let every American, every lover of

liberty, every well-wisher to his posterity, swear by the blood of the Revolution never to violate in the least particular the laws of the country, and never to tolerate their violation by others.

When I so pressingly urge a strict observance of all the laws, let me not be understood as saying there are no bad laws, or that grievances may not arise for the redress of which no legal provisions have been made. I mean to say no such thing. But I do mean to say that although bad laws, if they exist, should be repealed as soon as possible, still, while they continue in force, for the sake of example, they should be religiously observed. So also in unprovided cases. If such arise, let proper legal provisions be made for them with the least possible delay, but till then let them, if not too intolerable, be borne with. There is no grievance that is a fit object of redress by mob law.

Re-elected to the Legislature.

He soon draws up a petition not strictly political.

October 10th, 1839. (To the Honorable Mrs. Browning.*) We, the undersigned, respectfully represent to your Honoress, that we are in great need of your society in the town of Springfield and therefore humbly pray that your Honoress will repair forthwith to the seat of Government bringing in your train all ladies in general who may be at your command and all Mrs. Browning's sisters in particular, and as faithful and dutiful petitioners we promise that if you grant this our request, we will render unto your Honoress due attention and faithful obedience to your orders in general and to Miss Browning's in particular.

In tender consideration whereof we pray your Honoress to

*See p. 16. Her husband Orville H. Browning was one of his closest friends.

grant your humble petitioners their above request and such other and further relief in the premises as to your Honoress may seem right and proper; and your petitioners as in duty bound will ever pray, etc.

His vein of quaint humor enlivens his legal correspondence.*

December 23rd. (To John T. Stuart.)
(To John T. Stuart.) Doctor Henry

will write you all the political news.
all the political news. I write this about some
little matters of business. You recollect you told me you had
drawn the Chicago Masack money and sent it to the claimants.
A d-d hawk-billed Yankee is here besetting me at every turn
I take, saying that Robert Kinzie never received the eighty
dollars to which he was entitled.

Can you tell anything about the matter? Again, old Mr. Wright, who lives up South Fork somewhere, is teasing me continually about some deeds which he says he left with you, but which I can find nothing of. Can you tell where they are?

During this year he has become engaged to Mary Todd, a Springfield belle, whose social position was very much higher than his own.

But his new love affair does not in any way check his political enterprise.

January 20th, 1840. (To John T. Stuart.) Be sure to send me as many copies of the Life of Harrison as you can spare from other uses. Be very sure to procure and send me the Senate Journal of New York of September, 1814. I have a newspaper article which says that that document proves that Van Buren voted against raising troops in the last war. And, in general, send me everything you think will be a good "warclub."

You have heard that the Whigs and Locos had a political *See particularly p. 53

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