You understand. Matters stand just as they did you. Baker is certainly off the track and I fear ds to be on it (a second time).

efore Baker left he said to me, in accordance with ng been an understanding between him and me, that or the next congressional race was clear to me so far concerned; and that he would say so publicly in er and at any time I might desire. I said in reply, as nner and time I would consider a while and write him. ry 7th, 1846. (To Doctor Robert Boal.) If Hardin Food precisely equal, if neither of us had been to Conr, if we both had-it would not only accord with what always done, for the sake of peace, to give way to him; expect I should do it. That I can voluntarily postpone retentions, when they are no more than equal to those to

they are postponed, you have yourself seen. But to to Hardin under present circumstances, seems to me as hing else than yielding to one who would gladly sacrifice altogether. This, I would rather not submit to. That rdin is talented, energetic, usually generous and magnaniI have, before this, affirmed to you, and do not now You know that my only argument is that "turn about play." This he practically, at least, denies.

h. (To B. F. James.) I should be pleased if I could ir with you in the hope that my name would be the only presented to the convention; but I can not. Hardin is a of desperate energy and perseverance, and one that never ks out; and, I fear, to think otherwise is to be deceived in character of our adversary. I would rejoice to be spared e labor of a contest; but "being in," I shall go it thoroughly, d to the bottom.

The Beardstown paper is entirely in the hands of my friends. The editor is a Whig, and personally dislikes Hardin. When the supreme court shall adjourn (which it is thought

never could see much good to come of annexation, inasmuch as they were already a free republican people on our own model. On the other hand, I never could very clearly see how the annexation would augment the evil of slavery. It always seemed to me that slaves would be taken there in about equal numbers, with or without annexation. And if more were taken because of annexation, still there would be just so many the fewer left where they were taken from. It is possibly true, to some extent, that, with annexation, some slaves may be sent to Texas and continued in slavery that otherwise might have been liberated. To whatever extent this may be true, I think annexation an evil. I hold it to be a paramount duty of us in the free States, due to the Union of the States, and perhaps to liberty itself (paradox though it may seem), to let the slavery of the other States alone; while, on the other hand, I hold it to be equally clear that we should never knowingly lend ourselves, directly or indirectly, to prevent that slavery from dying a natural death-to find new places for it to live in, when it can no longer exist in the old. Of course I am not now considering what would be our duty in cases of insurrection among the slaves.

Lincoln's friend Baker elected to Congress to succeed Hardin. Lincoln hopes to succeed Baker in two years' time, but is disturbed by the prompt strategy of Hardin.

November 17th. (To B. F. James.) The paper of Pekin has nominated Hardin for governor; and, commenting on this, the Alton paper indirectly nominated him for Congress (in 1847). It would give Hardin a great start, and perhaps use me up, if the Whig papers of the district should nominate him for Congress. If your feelings toward me are the same as when I saw you (which I have no reason to doubt), I wish you would let nothing appear in your paper which may operate

against me. You understand. Matters stand just as they did when I saw you. Baker is certainly off the track and I fear Hardin intends to be on it (a second time).

18th. Before Baker left he said to me, in accordance with what had long been an understanding between him and me, that the track for the next congressional race was clear to me so far as he was concerned; and that he would say so publicly in any manner and at any time I might desire. I said in reply, as to the manner and time I would consider a while and write him.

January 7th, 1846. (To Doctor Robert Boal.) If Hardin and I stood precisely equal, if neither of us had been to Congress, or, if we both had-it would not only accord with what I have always done, for the sake of peace, to give way to him; and I expect I should do it. That I can voluntarily postpone my pretentions, when they are no more than equal to those to which they are postponed, you have yourself seen. But to yield to Hardin under present circumstances, seems to me as nothing else than yielding to one who would gladly sacrifice me altogether. This, I would rather not submit to. That Hardin is talented, energetic, usually generous and magnanimous, I have, before this, affirmed to you, and do not now deny. You know that my only argument is that "turn about is fair play." This he practically, at least, denies.

14th. (To B. F. James.) I should be pleased if I could concur with you in the hope that my name would be the only one presented to the convention; but I can not. Hardin is a man of desperate energy and perseverance, and one that never backs out; and, I fear, to think otherwise is to be deceived in the character of our adversary. I would rejoice to be spared the labor of a contest; but "being in," I shall go it thoroughly, and to the bottom.

The Beardstown paper is entirely in the hands of my friends. The editor is a Whig, and personally dislikes Hardin. When the supreme court shall adjourn (which it is thought

will be about the 15th of February), it is my intention to take a quiet trip through the towns and neighborhoods of Logan County, Delavan, Tremont, and on to and through the upper counties. Don't speak of this, or let it relax any of your vigilance.

15th. (To John Bennett.) Nathan Dresser is here, and speaks as though the contest between Hardin and me is to be doubtful in Menard County-I know he is candid and this alarms me some-I asked him to tell me the names of the men that were going strong for Hardin; he said Morris was about as strong as any. Now tell me, is Morris going it openly? You remember you wrote me that he would be neutral. Nathan also said that some man who he could not remember said lately that Menard County was going to decide the contest and that that made the contest very doubtful. Do you know who that was? Don't fail to write me instantly on receiving, telling me all-particularly the names of those who are going strong against me.

16th. (To B. F. James.) A plan is on foot to change the mode of selecting the candidate for this district. The movement is intended to injure me, and, if effected, most likely would injure me to some extent. I have not time to give particulars now; but I want you to let nothing prevent your getting an article in your paper of this week, taking strong ground for the old system under which Hardin and Baker were nominated without seeming to know or suspect that any one desires to change it.

21st. (To Hardin, declining a proposal to leave the nomination to the electors, avoiding a convention.) It seems to me that on reflection you will see the fact of your having been in Congress has, in various ways, so spread your name in the district as to give you a decided advantage in such a stipulation. I appreciate your desire to keep down excitement; and I promise you to "keep cool" under all circumstances. I have al

ways been in the habit of acceding to almost any proposal that a friend would make and I am truly sorry that I can not in this. I perhaps ought to mention that some friends at different places are endeavoring to secure the honor of the sitting of the convention at their towns respectively, and I fear that they would not feel much complimented if we shall make a bargain that it should sit nowhere.

21st. (To N. J. Rockwell.) You perhaps know that General Hardin and I have a contest for the Whig nomination to Congress for this district. He has had a term and my argument is "Turn about is fair play." I shall be pleased if this strikes you as a sufficient argument.

February 9th. If I am not, in what I have done, and am able to do, for the party, near enough the equal of General Hardin, to entitle me to the nomination, I scorn it on any and all other grounds.

Nominated for Congress after Hardin withdraws from the

race.

During the campaign—

(As he is leaving a revival meeting addressed by his political opponent, the Reverend Peter Cartwright, who cries out, "If you are not going to repent, and go to Heaven, Mr. Lincoln, where are you going?")

"I am going to Congress, Brother Cartwright."

Politics, though his paramount interest outside his profession, do not wholly engross his thoughts.

April 18th. (To Johnston.) Your letter, written some six weeks since, was received in due course, and also the paper with the parody. It is true, as suggested it might be, that I have never seen Poe's "Raven"; and I very well know