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result of the insurrection was to rouse the English nation to a sense of their obligations to India, and these obligations are now more fully realized than ever before. New ways and means for discharging them have been devised, and previous organizations have been enlarged. The British and Foreign Bible Society, in addition to many thousand English Bibles, appropriated nearly $30,000 in money for printing the Scriptures in the native languages in 1860. The Society for Propagating the Gospel appropriated $85,000 for its Indian missions in the last year. The London Missionary Society expended more than $120,000. The Church Missionary Society expended on its missions in India, nearly $275,000. Several other Missionary Societies, as the Wesleyan, the Baptist, the Scottish, the Irish and others, expended largę sums. Several Missionary Societies on the Continent of Europe have large missions in India. The people of America, also, have a large interest

. in the benevolent operations of India. The expenses of the American Board on their missions in India, in 1860, were $58,000; of the Presbyterian Board, $56,000; and of the Baptist Missionary Union, $41,000. There are other Societies in this country which have benevolent operations in India. There are also many religious societies in India itself. Of these, some are auxiliary to the Societies in Europe and America, and were designed to coöperate with them. The contributions in India to benevolent objects, before the insurrection, were estimated to exceed $200,000 yearly, and they are supposed now to have much increased.

These facts and figures show that India is sharing largely in the sympathies and prayers of Christians in Europe and America. They also show that there is far more religious zeal, enterprise and liberality for the propagation of Christianity in that country, than is generally supposed in America.

In returning to India to engage in missionary labors, Mr. Gangooly must be sensible of the great difference in the state of the country, now under English government, from what it was, or was ever likely to be, under any native government. By professing Christianity under any Hindu government, he would have become an outcast, and then, according to the laws of caste, he would lose his property, he would be literally cast off by all his family-friends, and no respectable class of Hindus would eat with him, or in any way associate with him. But now, under the English government, he can retain his property, and have all personal and family rights for himself and for his converts, which any European or American can have, or which any government in Europe or America can properly and equitably give. And he and his fellow-laborers can use all the means which the Gospel warrants for the propagation of their religious principles. Surely these are great advantages, and we hope they will be properly appreciated.

Though we do not agree with him in some of his religious views, but believe that the system which he has embraced is very defective in some important principles, yet, if he will devote his time and labors to his heathen and idolatrous countrymen, and will not interfere with the operations of missionaries of other denominations, we wish him God speed. For we fully concur in the sentiments expressed by the late Lord Macaulay:-“The conversion of the whole people of India to the worst form that ever Christianity wore in the darkest ages, would be a most happy event. It is not necessary that a man should be a Christian, to wish for the propagation of Christianity in India. It is sufficient that he should be a European, not much below the ordinary European level of good sense and humanity. In no part of the world is heathenism more cruel, more licentious, and more fruitful of absurd rites and pernicious laws.”


History of the United Netherlands: from the Death of

William the Silent to the Synod of Dort. With a full view of the English-Dutch struggle against Spain, and of the origin and destruction of the Spanish Armada. By John LOTHROP MOTLEY, LL. D., D. C. L. Two vols. 8vo. New York: Harper & Brothers. 1861.


HISTORY should belong to what De Quincey calls the literature of power, and not to that of mere knowledge. It not only should contain a body of facts, but it should have a soul-it should be written by live men, and then it will move men as well as inform them. The historian should have the power of transferring himself to distant places and times, as if an actor himself, and thus of entering into the spirit of what he records. He should have an ardent love of right and a burning hatred of wrong. In this way he will write with enthusiasm, and his

. productions will appeal not merely to a part of human nature, but to the whole man. To this class belongs the work which now claims our attention.

The author, in his former work on the “ Rise of the Dutch Republic,” took the world by surprise. Few were aware that a history of such a character was in preparation, outside the circle of his particular friends. He had published nothing that was sufficient to indicate what was to come; in fact, very few knew that there was such a man as John Lothrop Motley, before his name was announced in connection with his history. Then the inquiry was made in all quarters of the literary world, who the author could be? Many did not know whether he was an Englishman, a Scotchman, or an American. When Bancroft and Macaulay published their histories, the reading world were somewhat prepared by a knowledge of their antecedents. But not so in regard to Mr. Motley, who took his rank among the first historians of his age, as by a single bound. An eminent Harvard classmate thus speaks of him: “Those twelve or fourteen youths have had various destinies, but none of them has made more mark in the world than the handsome, brilliant, free-and-easy fellow who used to declaim Byron with down-turned collar, that showed a throat smooth and full as a girl's. He spoke and wrote well, but we never expected Motley to read Dutch and write the history of Holland.” Most of the time since he left college, thirty years ago, he has been working quietly, and with unsurpassed industry, on his histories.

The work which he has attempted he has done thoroughly. He has not been content to sit down and compile from histories that had already appeared, but he has gone to the fountainhead for himself. He has spent years in several of the principal places where the chief events recorded took place, and there consulted original authorities in different languages. Within the last twenty-five or thirty years there have been facilities for doing this, which did not previously exist. Libraries have been thrown open, especially to American authors, containing valuable manuscripts, both official and private, without which such a history could not approach completeness.

Mr. Motley has entered so heartily into his undertaking that his arduous labor has been a pleasure, and a striking individuality characterizes his productions. He has not undertaken to write history for the sake of writing it, but in an important sense, because he could not help it. The history of the struggle in the Netherlands took him up, as he has declared, and not he it. The great conflict he describes rouses his whole soul, so that he enters into its history with all the enthusiasm of an actor. He hates despotism, and loves to hate it, and expresses himself accordingly; he loves freedom most heartily, and utters the strongest words in its defense and praise. He cannot help uttering scorching words of condemnation, or glowing words of eulogy in regard to prominent actors, according as he views their characters. He makes all his readers feel that he is a Protestant and a republican, and does not fail to produce a definite and deep impression on their minds in favor of the cause he so much loves. In this respect we consider him far superior to Prescott.

The struggle in the Netherlands, viewed in itself and in its relations, may be regarded as the most important one in the cause of civil and religious liberty since the Reformation. According to all human appearance, had despotism been triumphant, Protestantism would have been retarded for centuries, and countries now flourishing would be under the crushing sway of Romanism.

The emperor Charles V, at the age of fifty-five, abdicated his throne, and retired to a convent in Spain to spend the remainder of his life. He left the greatest monarchy ever known in Christendom, whose subjects boasted that the sun never set within its boundaries. The Netherlands formed that part of his dominion where the doctrines of the Reformation had taken a very deep hold, and where the people were far in advance, in most respects, of those in any other country of the empire. Charles, during his reign, had issued the most intolerant edicts, and had introduced the Inquisition in order that he might enforce them effectually. Multitudes of his most valuable subjects were put to death in various ways. The number of Netherlanders destroyed by him has been estimated, by the best authorities, as not less than fifty thousand. With a constitution mostly broken down by gluttony, and exhausted with his efforts to exterminate heresy, he concluded to leave to his son Philip, his successor, the completion of the work. Charles, after his retirement to private life, did not lose in the least degree his persecuting spirit. He wrote letters to Philip, urging him to burn all heretics that could be found in Spain or elsewhere. He urged Philip in the very last communication he sent to him, to destroy all heretics, and to cherish the Inquisition as the best instrument for effecting such a work, and concluded by saying, “ so shall you have my blessing, and the Lord shall prosper you in all your undertakings.” The emperor even expressed the regret that he had not destroyed Luther in violation of his promise of protection, when the latter appeared before the Diet at Worms. The advice of the dying monarch did not fall on the ear of a disobedient son. Phillip II adopted

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