character of their coming is essential; hence we shut out all immigration assisted or constrained by foreign agencies. The purpose of our generous treatment of the alien immigrant is to benefit us and him alike-not to afford to another state a field upon which to cast its own objectionable elements. The alien, coming hither voluntarily and prepared to take upon himself the preparatory and in due course the definitive obligations of citizenship, retains thereafter, in domestic and international relations, the initial character of free agency, in the full enjoyment of which it is incumbent upon his adoptive state to protect him. "The foregoing considerations, whilst pertinent to the examination of the purpose and scope of a naturalization treaty, have a larger aim. It behooves the state to scrutinize most jealously the character of the immigration from a foreign land, and, if it be obnoxious to objection, to examine the causes which render it so. Should those causes originate in the act of another sovereign state, to the detriment of its neighbors, it is the prerogative of an injured state to point out the evil and to make remonstrance; for with nations, as with individuals, the social law holds good that the right of each is bounded by the right of the neighbor. "The condition of a large class of the inhabitants of Roumania has for many years been a source of grave concern to the United States. I refer to the Roumanian Jews, numbering some 400,000. Long ago, while the Danubian principalities labored under oppressive conditions which only war and a general action of the European powers sufficed to end, the persecution of the indigenous Jews under Turkish rule called forth in 1872 the strong remonstrance of the United States. The treaty of Berlin was hailed as a cure for the wrong, in view of the express provisions of its forty-fourth article, prescribing that 'in Roumania, the difference of religious creeds and confessions shall not be alleged against any person as a ground for exclusion or incapacity in matters relating to the enjoyment of civil and political rights, admission to public employments, functions, and honors, or the exercise of the various professions and industries in any locality whatsoever,' and stipulating freedom in the exercise of all forms of worship to Roumanian dependents and foreigners alike, as well as guaranteeing that all foreigners in Roumania shall be treated, without distinction of creed, on a footing of perfect equality. "With the lapse of time these just prescriptions have been rendered nugatory in great part, as regards the native Jews, by the legislation and municipal regulations of Roumania. Starting from the arbitrary and controvertible premise that the native Jews of Roumania domiciled there for centuries are 'aliens not subject to foreign protection,' the ability of the Jew to earn even the scanty means of exist ence that suffice for a frugal race has been constricted by degrees, until nearly every opportunity to win a livelihood is denied; and until the helpless poverty of the Jew has constrained an exodus of such proportions as to cause general concern. a "You will take an early occasion to read this instruction to the minister for foreign affairs and, should he request it, leave with him a copy." Mr. Hay, Sec. of State, to U. S. representatives at London, Paris, Berlin, • Here follows an exact transcription from the instruction of Mr. Hay to Mr. Wilson, July 17, 1902, supra, 363-365, of the four last paragraphs, beginning with the phrase "The political disabilities of the Jews in Roumania," and ending with the words "an interested party in this regard." CHAPTER XX. MONROE DOCTRINE. I. EARLY EXPRESSIONS OF AMERICAN POLICY. § 927. 1. Treaty of Sept. 26, 1815. § 930. 2. Anxiety as to Cuba. § 931. 3. Canning-Rush negotiations. § 932. 4. Monroe-Jefferson-Madison correspondence. § 933. V. MONROE'S MESSAGE, Dec. 2, 1823. § 936. 1. Controversy with Russia. § 939. § 937. 3. President Polk's message, 1845. § 941. 4. Case of Yucatan. § 942. 5. Later illustrations. § 943. IX. SPECIAL APPLICATIONS OF MONROE DOCTRINE. 1. Argentine Republic. § 944. 2. Bolivia. § 945. 3. Brazil. § 946. 4. Central America. § 947. 5. Chile. § 948. 6. Colombia. § 949. 7. Cuba. (1) Declarations of policy. § 950. (2) Refusal of neutralization. § 951. (3) Independence. § 952. 8. Ecuador. § 953. 9. Hayti. § 954. 10. Mexico. (1) European interference opposed, 1825-1860. 11. Peru. § 959. 12. Santo Domingo. § 955. (1) American-European intervention, 1850-51. § 960. (2) Spanish reannexation, 1861-1865. § 961. (3) Protocol of Feb. 7, 1905. § 962, 13. Republic of Texas. § 963. 368 IX. SPECIAL APPLICATIONS OF MONROE DOCTRINE-Continued. 14. Venezuela. (1) Use of good offices. § 964. (2) Avoidance of joint action. § 965. Boundary with British Guiana; Mr. Olney's instruc- (4) Claims. § 967. Discussion of 1880-81. Germany, Great Britain, and Italy, 1902–3. X. GENERAL EXPOSITIONS. § 968. The Hague declaration. President Roosevelt's annual messages, 1901, 1902. XI. INTERNATIONAL AMERICAN CONFERENCES. § 969. I. EARLY EXPRESSIONS OF AMERICAN POLICY. § 927. “It is intimated to us in such a way as to attract our attention, that France means to send a strong force early this spring to offer independence to the Spanish-American colonies, beginning with those on the Mississippi, and that she will not object to the receiving those on the east side into our Confederation. Interesting considerations require that we should keep ourselves free to act in this case according to circumstances, and consequently that you should not, by any clause of treaty, bind us to guarantee any of the Spanish colonies against their own independence, nor indeed against any other nation. For, when we thought we might guarantee Louisiana on their ceding the Floridas to us, we apprehended it would be seized by Great Britain, who would thus completely encircle us with her colonies and fleets. This danger is now removed by the concert between Great Britain and Spain, and the times will soon enough give independence, and consequently free commerce to our neighbors, without our risking the involving of ourselves in a war with them." Mr. Jefferson, Sec. of State, to Messrs. Carmichael and Short, mins. to "Observe good faith and justice towards all Nations. Cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it?--It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel H. Doc. 551-vol 6-24 example of a People always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. "Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens, the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican Government. . "The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign Nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little Political connexion as possible.-So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith.—Here let us stop. "Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation.-Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence therefore it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships, or enmities. "Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. 'Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humour, or caprice? 66 ""T is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances, with any portion of the foreign world;—so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it-for let me not be understood as capable of patronising infidelity to existing engagements. . . But in my opinion it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.” Washington's Farewell Address, Sept. 17, 1796, 13 Writings of Washing ton, by Ford, 311-318. A text of the address, adhering in form less strictly to the original, may be found in Am. State Papers, For. Rel. I. 36-37. "The purport of what I said was, that we are contented that the Floridas remain in the hands of Spain, but should not be willing to see them transferred, except to ourselves." Mr. King, min. to England, to Sec. of State, June 1, 1801, Am. State "In a late conversation with Mr. Addington, he observed to me, if the war happen, it would, perhaps, be one of their first steps to |