"The President's policy with the South American republics and other foreign nations is that expressed in the immortal address of Washington, with which you are entirely familiar. What the President does seek to do, is to extend the kindly offices of the United States impartially to both Peru and Chile, whose hostile attitude to each other he seriously laments; and he considers himself fortunate in having one so competent as yourself to bring the powers of reason and persuasion to bear in seeking the termination of the unhappy controversy; and you will consider as revoked that portion of your original instruction which directs you on the contingency therein stated as follows: "You will say to the Chilean government that the President considers such a proceeding as an intentional and unwarranted offense, and that you will communicate such an avowal to the government of the United States with the assurance that it will be regarded by the government as an act of such unfriendly import as to require the immediate suspension of all diplomatic intercourse. You will inform ine immediately of the happening of such a contingency, and instructions will be sent to you.' "Believing that a prolific cause of contention between nations is an irritability which is too readily offended, the President prefers that he shall himself determine after report has been made to him whether there is or is not cause for offense. "It is also the President's wish that you do not visit (although indicated in your original instruction you should do so), as the envoy of this government, the Atlantic republics after leaving Chile. "The United States is at peace with all the nations of the earth, and the President wishes hereafter to determine whether it will conduce to that general peace, which he would cherish and promote, for this government to enter into negotiations and consultation for the promotion of peace with selected friendly nationalities without extending a like confidence to other peoples with whom the United States is on equally friendly terms. "If such partial confidence would create jealousy and ill-will, peace, the object sought by such consultation, would not be promoted." Mr. Frelinghuysen, Sec. of State, to Mr. Trescot, No. 6, Jan. 9, 1882, For. "On the other hand, he remains convinced that the United States has The representatives of the United States in South America were directed by Mr. Frelinghuysen harmoniously to join in a courteous and friendly effort to aid the belligerent powers in reaching an agreemen for peace, which, while securing to Chile the legitimate results of success, should at the same time not be unduly severe upon Peru and Bolivia. The American minister at Santiago was instructed to suggest to the Chilean government, as the basis for a treaty of peace, the cession to Chile of the Peruvian territory of Tarapacá and the submission to arbitration of the question whether any additional territory should be ceded, and if so, how much and on what terms. When this instruction reached Santiago, a substantial agreement had been effected by Chile with General Iglesias, as the representative of Peru. By this agreement Chile was to receive the province of Tarapacá and was to occupy for ten years the provinces of Tacna and Arica, at the end of which time a plebiscite was to be taken to determine which of the two powers should permanently hold those provinces, the successful power to pay to the other the sum of $10,000,000. These terms, said Mr. Frelinghuysen, were more severe upon Peru than those which Chile and previously been willing to grant. It was after Señor Calderon had declined the terms of settlement offered by Chile, through the mediation of the American minister at Santiago, that Chile turned to General Iglesias and obtained from him the settlement above described. Under the existing conditions one of the most delicate and important questions to be decided was as to who should be recognized as the executive representative of the sovereignty of Peru. "It is not for this government," said Mr. Frelinghuysen, "to dictate to sovereign belligerent powers the terms of peace to be accepted by them, nor is it the right or duty of the United States in the premises to do more than to aid by their unprejudiced counsels, their friendly mediation, and their moral support the obtainment of peace-the much-desired end. If such an end can be reached in a manner satisfactory to all parties. more speedily through negotiations with Peruvian authority other than that heretofore recognized by this government as the de facto ruler of Peru, this government will not, through any spirit of pride or pique, stand in the way of the hoped-for result." Mr. Frelinghuysen, Sec. of State, to Mr. Phelps, min. to Peru, No. 6, "I transmit herewith for your information a copy of a dispatch from Mr. Logan, communicating the text of the protocol signed between General Iglesias and the Chilean general, Norva, leading to a definitive treaty of peace. "An examination of the terms of the protocol shows that the foreign debt of Peru is guaranteed only to a limited extent by a por tion only of the guano product, the overplus, as well as all future discoveries of guano, to go to Chile. "This government does not undertake to speak for any other than the lawful interests of American citizens which may be involved in this settlement, but as to them it must be frankly declared and unmistakably understood that the United States could not look with favor upon any eventual settlement which may disregard such in terests. "It may be difficult for you, in concert with your colleagues, to advocate any determinate solution of the embarrassing questions relating to the other foreign debt of Peru, since this government can not undertake to advocate the interests of any class of bondholders or other legitimate creditors of Peru without exercising a like watchful consideration for the interests of all. It seems, however, to be essential to a just and lasting peace either that Peru should be left in a condition to meet obligations toward other governments which were recognized prior to the war or which may be legitimately established, or that if Chile appropriates the natural resources of Peru as compensation for the expenses of the war she should recognize the obligations which rest upon those resources, and take the property with a fair determination to meet all just incumbrances which rest upon it. "The President would see with regret any insistence by Chile upon a policy which would impose upon Peru heavier burdens than she has been disposed to impose during the past negotiations. "Better terms, if offered, would be appreciated by him as a friendly recognition of the earnestness which this government has shown in endeavoring to bring about an honorable and equitable end to the painful strife." Mr. Frelinghuysen, Sec. of State, to Mr. Phelps, min. to Peru, No. 8, “The opinion of the United States heretofore has been, that as the foreign Mr. Frelinghuysen, Sec. of State, to Mr. Phelps, min. to Peru, No. 27, See, also, Mr. Frelinghuysen to Mr. Phelps, tel., Feb. 28, 1884, MS. Inst. "Your several dispatches, so far as received to date, reporting the military and political situation in Peru, have been considered with the attention demanded by the importance of the occurrences you narrate. As supplemented by your later telegrams, they show the conclusion of a treaty of peace between General Iglesias and the Chilian plenipotentiary, on what are understood here to be bases substantially in accord with the terms of the protocol previously signed between General Iglesias and the representative of Chile; the evacuation of Lima by the Chilean forces; the installation there of a form of provisional administration under the Presidency of General Iglesias; and the revolt of the residents or garrison of Arequipa against the authority of Vice-President Montero, who thereupon escaped by flight. Besides this, it appears that the first public act of General Iglesias on assuming control of the provisional government thus established, was to issue a convocation for an assembly of delegates, to be chosen by the people of Peru, to whom is to be referred the question of accepting and ratifying the treaty which has been signed, and who are further to decide the Presidency of the Peruvian government. “Of the terms of the treaty itself I can not at present speak. You are already acquainted with the views of this government upon the main point involved. It remains to be seen whether the people of Peru, in the expression of their national sovereignty, are disposed to accept the terms proposed to them. With this the government of the United States has no desire to interfere. It respects the independence of Peru as a commonwealth entitled to settle its own affairs in its own way. It recognizes too keenly the calamities of protracted strife, or the alternative calamity of prolonged military occupation by an enemy's forces, to seek, by anything it may say or do, to influence an adverse decision of the popular representatives of Peru. And a due respect for their sovereign independence forbids the United States from seeming to exert any positive or indirect pressure upon these representatives to influence their course. "The state of facts reported by you makes it necessary to give you instructions respecting your relations with the provisional government. With the people of Peru this country aims, as it has always aimed, to maintain relations of friendship and sympathy. With the particular administration which may for the time assume to control the affairs of Peru we have little direct concern, except so far as our attitude towards it shall express our friendliness to the nation; hence we have no partiality for the Calderon-Montero government or desire that you should manifest any. Should the assembly which is about to convene be elected under circumstances entitling it to represent the people of Peru and declare for General Iglesias, this government would no doubt recognize him. This, however, it is unnecessary to say, as such an announcement in advance of the action of the assembly might in effect exert an influence upon its deliberations, which we seek to avoid. Mr. Frelinghuysen, Sec. of State, to Mr. Phelps, min. to Peru, No. 18. “Your energy in seeking to reach some conclusion is appreciated, but for this government to direct you to tell Peru that it should surrender Tarapacá, Tacna, and Arica, on receiving $10,000,000, would be assuming to decide a question between two nations when we have not been requested to arbitrate, and it would be telling Chile it might properly make claim for the territory. Peru's condition may be so deplorable that it is wise for her to accept these terms, but Peru and not the United States as to this must decide." Mr. Frelinghuysen, Sec. of State, to Mr. Logan, min. to Chile, tel., Jan. 5, 1883, MS. Inst. Chile, XVII. 48. (7) SYMPATHY WITH LIBERAL POLITICAL STRUGGLES. § 904. "Born, sir, in a land of liberty; having early learned its value; having engaged in a perilous conflict to defend it; having, in a word, devoted the best years of my life to secure its permanent establishment in my own country, my anxious recollections, my sympathetick feelings, and my best wishes are irresistibly excited, whensoever, in any country, I see an oppressed nation unfurl the banners of freedom. But above all, the events of the French Revolution have produced the deepest solicitude, as well as the highest admiration. To call your nation brave, were to pronounce but common praise. Wonderful people! Ages to come will read with astonishment the history of your brilliant exploits! I rejoice, that the period of your toils and of your immense sacrifices, is approaching. I rejoice that the interesting revolutionary movements of so many years have issued in the formation of a constitution designed to give permanency to the great object for which you have contended. I rejoice that liberty, which you have so long embraced with enthusiasm-liberty, of which you have been the invincible defenders, now finds an asylum in the bosom of a regularly organized government-a government, which, being formed to secure the happiness of the French people, corresponds with the ardent wishes of my heart, while it gratifies the pride of every citizen of the United States, by its resemblance to their own. On these glorious events, accept, sir, my sincere congratulations. "In delivering to you these sentiments, I express not my own feelings only, but those of my fellow-citizens, in relation to the commencement, the progress, and the issue of the French Revolution; and they will cordially join with me in purest wishes to the Supreme |