segregation of American interests from European control and unification in a broader American sphere of independent life could not and should not be checked by any arbitrary agreement. "Nearly thirty years have demonstrated the wisdom of the attitude then maintained by Mr. Everett, and have made indispensable its continuance and its extension to all parts of the American Atlantic system where a disturbance of the existing status might be attempted in the interest of foreign powers. The present attitude of this Government toward any European project for the control of an isthmian route is but the logical sequence of the resistance made in 1852 to the attempted pressure of an active foreign influence in the West Indies." Mr. Blaine, Sec. of State, to Mr. Comly, min. to Hawaii, Dec. 1, 1881, For. Rel. 1881, 635, 637. (3) INDEPENDENCE. $ 952. See, as to intervention in Cuba, supra, §§ 906-910. "The withdrawal of the authority of Spain from the island of Cuba was affected by the 1st of January, so that the full reestablishment of peace found the relinquished territory held by us in trust for the inhabitants, maintaining, under the direction of the Executive, such government and control therein as should conserve public order, restore the productive conditions of peace so long disturbed by the instability and disorder which prevailed for the greater part of the preceding three decades, and build up that tranquil development of the domestic state whereby alone can be realized the high purpose, as proclaimed in the joint resolution adopted by the Congress on the 19th of April, 1898, by which the United States disclaimed any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over Cuba, except for the pacification thereof, and asserted its determination when that was accomplished to leave the government and control of the island to its people. The pledge contained in this resolution is of the highest honorable obligation and must be sacredly kept. "I believe that substantial progress has been made in this direction. All the administrative measures adopted in Cuba have aimed to fit it for a regenerated existence by enforcing the supremacy of law and justice; by placing wherever practicable the machinery of administration in the hands of the inhabitants; by instituting needed sanitary reforms; by spreading education; by fostering industry and trade; by inculcating public morality, and, in short, by taking every rational step to aid the Cuban people to attain to that plane of selfconscious respect and self-reliant unity which fits an enlightened community for self-government within its own sphere, while enabling it to fulfill all outward obligations. "This nation has assumed before the world a grave responsibility for the future good government of Cuba. We have accepted a trust the fulfillment of which calls for the sternest integrity of purpose and the exercise of the highest wisdom. The new Cuba yet to arise from the ashes of the past must needs be bound to us by ties of singular intimacy and strength if its enduring welfare is to be assured. Whether those ties shall be organic or conventional, the destinies of Cuba are in some rightful form and manner irrevocably linked with our own, but how and how far is for the future to determine in the ripeness of events. Whatever be the outcome, we must see to it that free Cuba be a reality, not a name, a perfect entity, not a hasty experiment bearing within itself the elements of failure. Our mission, to accomplish which we took up the wager of battle, is not to be fulfilled by turning adrift any loosely framed commonwealth to face the vicissitudes which too often attend weaker states whose natural wealth and abundant resources are offset by the incongruities of their political organization and the recurring occasions for internal rivalries to sap their strength and dissipate their energies." President McKinley, annual message, Dec. 5, 1899, For. Rel. 1901, xxxi. "In Cuba such progress has been made toward putting the independent government of the island upon a firm footing that before the present session of the Congress closes this will be an accomplished fact. Cuba will then start as her own mistress; and to the beautiful Queen of the Antilles, as she unfolds this new page of her destiny, we extend our heartiest greetings and good wishes. Elsewhere I have discussed the question of reciprocity. In the case of Cuba, however, there are weighty reasons of morality and of national interest why the policy should be held to have a peculiar application, and I most earnestly ask your attention to the wisdom, indeed to the vital need, of providing for a substantial reduction in the tariff duties on Cuban imports into the United States. Cuba has in her constitution affirmed what we desired, that she should stand, in international matters, in closer and more friendly relations with us than with any other power; and we are bound by every consideration of honor and expediency to pass commercial measures in the interest of her material well-being." President Roosevelt, annual message, Dec. 3, 1901, For. Rel. 1901, xxxi. 8. ECUADOR. § 953. "The military and naval expedition which General Flores, formerly President of Ecuador, organized a year or two since in Europe for the supposed purpose of recovering his authority, connived at as it was believed to have been by some of the monarchical governments of that quarter, created great alarm, not only in Ecuador itself but, in the neighboring republics, from the apprehension that its ulterior were more extensive and important than its ostensible designs. It was fortunately arrested, however, before its departure. Señor Don Manuel Bustamente, the minister for foreign affairs of Ecuador, addressed to this Department an interesting communication upon the subject under date the 26th November 1846, which was received about the same time that intelligence of the failure of the expedition reached this city. Owing to this circumstance, the note was not formally answered, as any proceedings of this Government with reference to the expendition was rendered unnecessary. General Castilla, the President of Peru, also made an informal application in regard to it to Mr. Prevost, the consul of the United States at Lima. The accompanying extract from a letter of this Department to Mr. Prevost embodies the views of the President relative to the expedition, and you may at a proper time communicate the same to the Ecuadorian minister for foreign affairs. You will also assure him that the intervention or dictation, direct or indirect, of European governments in the affairs of the independent states of the American Hemisphere, will never be viewed with indifference by the Government of the United States. On the contrary all the moral means at least, within their power, shall upon every occasion be employed to discourage and arrest such interference." Mr. Buchanan, Sec. of State, to Mr. Livingston, min. to Ecuador, May 13, 1848, MS. Inst. Ecuador, I. 3. The Government of Colombia, having sought to bring about a reunion See, also, Mr. Seward to Mr. Hassaurek, No. 61, Jan. 11, 1864, MS. Inst. 9. HAYTI. $ 954.. Emile Lueders, who was born in Hayti of German parents, was educated in Germany, and served in German army, cavalry branch, in a regiment in which the Kaiser was colonel. He afterwards returned to Hayti, where he engaged in the livery business. On a certain occasion a policeman without warrant entered his place of business to arrest an employee for retaining a key valued at 25 cents. A disturbance occurred, and Lueders, on ascertaining the cause, ordered the policeman to leave his premises; and he afterwards complained against the policeman to the bureau of police. Lueders, however, was arrested on a charge of assaulting a policeman, was thrown into prison, and was tried and sentenced to one month's imprisonment. He appealed and was tried again under another act, under which the right of appeal was denied to defendants. He was then fined $500 and sentenced to prison for a year. His employee was sentenced to six months. The German representative repeatedly asked for Lueders's release, but it was refused; and he finally cabled the matter to his Government, by which he was directed to see the President and demand Lueders's release, the removal from office of the justices who convicted him, the imprisonment of the policeman who made the charge, an indemnity of $1,000 a day for each day's imprisonment before the second judgment and $5,000 for every day thereafter. The German representative presented this demand to the President in person on a Sunday, at a public reception, without addressing the foreign office. The President, offended, refused to receive the demand. The United States minister, however, secured Lueders's release and sent him to New York. The Haytian Government wished to refer the matter to arbitration. The German Government declined, and demanded that the President should make the "amende honorable," by hearing the Emperor's dispatch read, and that an indemnity of $20,000 must be paid. The Haytian Government at first refused either to pay or to apologize, maintaining that the German flag had not been insulted, and that the German representative had not been denied an interview, but it afterwards offered to pay the indemnity. On December 6, 1897, at 6 a. m. two German naval vessels arrived at Port au Prince, and the German commander sent word that he would shell the public buildings and forts at one o'clock unless the Haytian Government acceded to the following demands: (1) An indemnity of $30,000; (2) the return of Lueders and responsibility for his safety; (3) an apology for the treatment of the German Emperor's representative; (4) the renewal of relations and the prompt acceptance of a German representative. The Haytian. Government yielded to all the demands. Mr. Sherman, Sec. of State, to Mr. Boutell, M. C., Dec. 29, 1897, 224 MS. "This Government is not under any obligation to become involved in the constantly recurring quarrels of the republics of this hemisphere with other states. The Monroe doctrine, to which you refer, is wholly inapplicable to the case, and the relations and interests of this Government with its neighbors are not benefitted by erroneous conceptions of the scope of the policy announced by President Monroe and since strictly followed." Mr. Sherman, Sec. of State, to Mr. Powell, min. to Hayti, No. 83, I have received your No. 134, of the 24th ultimo, in which you report that, in view of the 'severe lesson' of the recent German event, you have been approached by friends of the present Haytian administration to get the views of the Government of the United States, to arrange for a new treaty, in which they desire a closer alliance with us, virtually placing themselves under our protection.' You accordingly ask instructions in this regard. "It would be unfortunate if, by your reception of the overtures you now report, or in your intercourse with the Haytian administration or its friends, you have encouraged any impression that this Government entertains a policy in this relation other than that to which it has scrupulously adhered from the beginnings of our national life. "You can not be unaware that the proposal for a congress of the American States to be held at Panama in 1825-6, rested on the theory that all of them, with the United States at their head, should stand pledged to mutual protection against foreign aggression looking to interference with their political organization, yet, even as to this important aspect of the question, this country held aloof, in the conviction that in any such system the United States would necessarily be its protector, and the party responsible to the world, while the Spanish-American States would get the benefits of a system of mutual protection which the United States did not need.' (See Dana's Wheaton, page 101, footnote.) "Moreover, protectorates over our neighbors have never been advocated in our foreign policy, being contrary to the principles upon which this Government is founded. A protectorate, however qualified, assumes a greater or less degree of responsibility on the part of the protector for the acts of the protected state, without the ability to shape or control these acts, unless the relation created be |