general hath propounded is, to advise as to a settlement both of our civil and spiritual liberties; and so that the mercies which the Lord hath given in to us, may not be cast away. How this may be done, is the great question.

Whitelock." It is a great question indeed, and not suddenly1 to be resolved; yet it were a pity that a meeting of so many able and worthy persons as I see here should be fruitless. I should humbly offer, in the first place, whether it be not requisite to be understood in what way this settlement is desired, whether of an absolute republic, or with any mixture of monarchy ?"

Cromwell." My Lord-commissioner Whitelock hath put us upon the right point; and, indeed, it is my meaning that we should consider, whether a republic, or a mixed monarchical government, will be best to be settled; and if any thing monarchical, then in whom that power shall be placed?"

Sir T. Widdrington." I think a mixed monarchical government will be most suitable to the laws and people of this nation; and, if any monarchical, I suppose we shall hold it most just to place that power in one of the sons of the late king."

"I

Col. Fleetwood." I think that the question, whether an absolute republic or a mixed monarchy be best to be settled in this nation, will not be very easy to be determined."

Lord Chief Justice St. John." It will be found, that the government of this nation, without something of monarchical power, will be very difficult to be so settled as not to shake the foundation of our laws, and the liberties of the people."

Speaker." It will breed a strange confusion, to settle a government of this nation without something of monarchy." Col. Disbrowe." I beseech you, my lord, why may not

I shall here observe, that the word suddenly was commonly used in that age in the sense of speedily, or very soon.

this, as well as other nations, be governed in the way of a republic?"1

Whitelock." The laws of England are so interwoven with the power and practice of monarchy, that to settle a government without something of monarchy in it, would make so great an alteration in the proceedings of our law, that you have scarce time to rectify; nor can we well foresee the inconveniences which will arise thereby."

Col. Whaley." I do not well understand matters of law, but it seems to me to be the best way not to have any thing of monarchical power in the settlement of our government: and if we should resolve upon any, whom have we to pitch upon? The late king's eldest son hath been in arms against us, and his second son likewise is our enemy."

Sir T. Widdrington." But the late king's third son, the Duke of Gloucester, is amongst us, and too young to have been in arms against us, or infected with the principles of our enemies."

Whitelock." There may be a day given for the king's eldest son, or for the Duke of York, his brother, to come in to the parliament; and, upon such terms as shall be thought fit and agreeable both to our civil and spiritual liberties, a settlement may be made with them."

Cromwell." That will be a business of more than ordinary difficulty; but, really, I think, if it may be done with safety, and preservation of our rights both as Englishmen and as Christians, that a settlement of somewhat with monarchical power in it would be very effectual."

"Much other discourse (continues Whitelock) was, by divers gentlemen then present, upon several points, and too large to be here inserted; generally, the soldiers were against any thing of monarchy, though every one of them was a

The army-officers had no other idea of a republic, than that of a popular assembly under military control.

monarch in his own regiment, or company; the lawyers were generally for a mixed monarchical government; and many were for the Duke of Gloucester to be made king. But Cromwell still put off that debate, and came off to some other point; and, in conclusion, after a long debate, the company parted without coming to any result at all; only Cromwell discovered, by this meeting, the inclinations of the persons that spake, for which he fished, and made use of what he then discovered."1

In November of the following year, 1652, Cromwell seized the opportunity of an accidental meeting with Whitelock in St. James's Park, to sound him more particularly on the subject on which his own ambition was secretly brooding. After expressions of unbounded confidence on the part of Cromwell, he spoke strongly of the difficulties he saw in attempting to effect a "good settlement" of the government; and on Whitelock concurring with him in that view of affairs, Cromwell abruptly asked him, "What if a man should take upon him to be king?"

66

Whitelock." I think that remedy would be worse than the disease."

Cromwell." Why do you think so?"

2

Whitelock. "As to your own person, the title of king would be of no advantage, because you have the full kingly power in you already, concerning the militia, as you are general. So that I apprehend less envy, and danger, and pomp, but not less power and opportunities of doing good,

'Page 516.

2 The term militia was then used to express the entire military power both by land and sea.

in your being general, than would be if you had assumed the title of king."

Cromwell." What do you apprehend would be the danger of taking this title?"

Whitelock." The danger, I think, would be this: one of the main points of controversy betwixt us and our adversaries is, whether the government of this nation shall be established in monarchy, or in a free state or commonwealth. Now, if your excellency shall take upon you the title of king, this state of our cause will be thereby wholly determined, and monarchy established in your person; and the question will be no more whether our government shall be by a monarch or by a free state, but whether Cromwell or Stuart shall be our king and monarch. And that question, wherein before so great parties of the nation were engaged, and which was universal, will by this become, in effect, a private controversy only before, it was national-what kind of government we should have; now, it will become particular-who shall be our governor? whether of the family of the Stuarts, or of the family of the Cromwells? Thus, the state of our controversy being totally changed, all those who were for a commonwealth (and they are a very great and considerable party), having their hopes therein frustrated, will desert you.”

Cromwell. "I confess you speak reason in this; but it is a matter of so high importance and difficulty, that it deserves more of consideration and debate than is at present allowed us. We shall, therefore, take a further time to discourse of it."

"With this (says Whitelock) the general brake off, and went to other company, and so into Whitehall, seeming, by his countenance, displeased with what I had said; yet he never objected it against me in any public meeting afterwards. Only his carriage towards me from that time was altered, and his advising with me not so frequent and intimate as before.

And it was not long after that he found an occasion,

by an honourable employment,' to send me out of the way (as some of his nearest relations, particularly his daughter Claypoole, confessed), that I might be no obstacle or impediment to his ambitious designs."

Whitelock's prediction to Cromwell, that the question would become, "Who shall be our go"vernor? whether of the family of the Stuarts, or of "the family of the Cromwells?" was amply, though secretly, verified in the minds of the seamen. Penn was well apprised of the temper and disposition that prevailed amongst them, and especially in his own fleet; and, as his own principles and experience had fixedly determined his desire to see the Protectorate displaced by the legitimate crown, as the only means of restoring health and soundness to his distempered country, he made a secret tender to the king, then at Cologne, of the services of the armament about to be placed under his authority, if his majesty could command any sea-port in which it might assemble; but Charles, having then no such means for availing himself of the offer, directed him to proceed on his expedition, and to wait for a more favourable opportunity to serve him. Lord Inchiquin was at this time one of the king's privy council, to which he had been added on the 11th of May, 1651.

"Both the superior officers" (Penn and Venables), says Clarendon," "were well affected to the king's "service. They did, by several ways, without any

1 Whitelock was sent away by Cromwell, as ambassador to Sweden, preparatory to his assumption of the Protectorate.

* Pages 549, 551.

3 History, vol. iii. p. 576.