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extending to the step he had taken. This last, however, was the ground alleged by Cromwell himself. Oldmixon, following Burchett, says; being both arrived, they were heard at Whitehall, one against another, where the accusations of both seemed to be " of more weight than the deserts of either of them." This is a pure fabrication, of ignorance of fact, or malice of purpose; no such proceedings ever took place. Penn was only questioned, for the information of the council, on the points already mentioned. Venables also was separately questioned and examined; but there was no confronting, or mutual crimination. Thurloe, in a letter to Henry Cromwell, briefly states the avowed motives for Penn's commitment: "General Venables arrived here the "last week. Upon his first appearing before the "council, he was committed to the Tower, being "able to give no reason for his leaving his com"mand without license, to the hazard of the army. "General Penn was also committed at the same time, "and for the same cause." But, if Penn had been guilty of an error in form, or in judgment, that alone could not explain Cromwell's totally discarding so able and eminent an officer. Those, however, who well know the history of that extraordinary man, know, that his indefatigable and searching vigilance was such, that he had spies in every quarter, even near the king's person, of which we have already seen an example, when his power was far less than it

2

125th September, State Papers, vol. iv. p. 55.

2 See vol. i. p. 282.

was now become; and, that he expended no less a sum than 60,000 pounds a-year in maintaining those secret correspondents. The only cause, therefore, that could be commensurate with the offence which he had so suddenly conceived, was his having discovered, through his paid agents, Penn's devotion to the king's cause, in hostility to his own; and his suspicion, that Penn had thus unexpectedly returned, to disturb his protectoral government. Yet, Penn's influence in the navy, and the caution with which Cromwell found it necessary to treat the men of that service, in the present state of their temper and of his authority, set bounds even to Cromwell's fierce resentment; and he caused it to be signified to him, that if he would acknowledge himself to be in fault, he should be released from his present confinement. Penn, who had ulterior views of high importance, from which that confinement wholly withheld him, felt but little repugnance to conform to this humour of the protector, though, at the same time," he "assured him, that he would not, in the manner that was expected, own himself in fault; yet," continue the historians, "for reasons best known to himself, "and through the persuasion of others near the

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protector's person, he made his submission." The council, however, in recording the submission, were careful to omit the qualification with which it had been accompanied.

"October 25th.-On reading the humble petition of William Penn, now prisoner in the Tower, and consideration

I BURCHETT, p. 395; LEDIARD, p. 565.

of his acknowledging of his fault, and his submission therein contained;

"Ordered, that it be offered to his highness, as the advice of his council, that his highness will please to issue his warrant to the lieutenant of the Tower, to release and set at liberty the petitioner; the same to be delivered, and put in execution forthwith, after his delivering up to the hands of Mr. Jessop, one of the clerks of the council, the commission whereby his highness constituted the petitioner one of the generals of the fleet."

"Same day, post merid.-Mr. Jessop gives account to his highness and the council, that he had received from General Penn his commission, according to an order of this day; and had thereupon delivered, to the lieutenant of the Tower, his highness's warrant for General Penn's discharge; and the commission itself was immediately delivered to his highness."

"26th.-On reading an instrument1 under the hands and seals of General Venables, General Penn, and Commissioner Butler, containing an allotment of lands to the officers and soldiers in Jamaica,

"Ordered, that it be referred to the committee of the council for the affairs of Jamaica, to consider thereof, and report their opinion therein to the council."

I shall observe, that General Penn neither acquired, nor claimed, any share in the allotments of land in his new conquest.

1 This interesting document does not exist in the Colonial Office, nor in the Board of Trade. If it survives, it must be, either in the Council Office, the State-Paper Office, or in the archives of the Island.

CHAPTER VI.

1656-1660.

Interval to the Restoration.

1656.

Not long after his release from the Tower, and his dismissal from the service of the Protector, in September 1655, General Penn repaired to his estate in Ireland; where he remained, in communion with his old connexions in Munster, secretly cherishing the royal interest in that kingdom. In this year, 1656, I find no record of him; I shall therefore turn, for a while, to some of his gallant comrades.

Sir George Ascue, as we have already seen, was laid aside by the Rump parliament in 1652, after his brave conflict with De Ruyter, in consequence of the favourable terms which he had granted to the king's governor of Barbadoes, the Lord Willoughby of Parham, on the surrender of that island to the parliament's fleet under his command; which terms appeared to betray a secret disposition by no means satisfactory to Cromwell, and to those who were then become the leaders, or rather his instruments, in that fragment of the parliament. Ascue had declined service under the Protector, and had retired to his country-seat at Ham-Haw, near Weybridge, in the

county of Surrey.1 "This (said the writer of Lilly's "Almanac for August 16th, 1652) is he that is a

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gentleman, lives like a gentleman, and acts the part "of a generous commander in all things." Whitelock has recorded an incident of this brave officer in his retirement, during this year, which cannot fail to interest every naval reader, and which will therefore not be out of place in these Memorials.

"August 13th, 1656.-The ambassador of Sweden (Count Bundt) dined at Sir George Ascue's house in Surrey, where they had very noble entertainment. The house stands environed with ponds, moats, and water, like a ship at sea; a fancy the fitter for the master's humour, who is himself so great a seaman. There, he said, he had cast anchor;' and intended to spend the rest of his life in a private retirement.

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"The ambassador, understanding the abilities of Sir George in sea affairs, did (according to his custom) endeavour to improve his own knowledge by his discourses and questions to the company, according to their several capacities and abilities; he therefore found many questions to demand of Sir George, and had much discourse with him about sea matters, and particularly concerning our English frigates. He was very inquisitive to know of Sir George, Whether he esteemed them the best of any sort of ships for fight?' Sir George answered freely, That he did not esteem them the best ships for fight, but held the old-fashioned English ships of the biggest rate best for fight.' And being asked his reason, said, Because they were stronger than the frigates; would

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This place became afterwards the property of James the Second, who gave it to his favourite, Catherine Sedley; Countess of Dorchester, by creation for her life, and by her marriage, Countess of Portmore; from whom it has been inherited by her descendants, the Earls of Portmore. The ancient house has been pulled down.

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