people of that kingdom according to the ancient and known laws, to maintain them in peace and justice, and to protect and defend them from the oppression of any usurped power whatsoever. And the people of that nation, by the like laws, owe unto us, and ought reciprocally to pay, duty and obedience unto us, as unto their liege lord and sovereign. This royal right of ours is grounded upon so clear a title, is settled by such fundamental laws, confirmed by so many oaths of allegiance in all ages, is supported by such a long-continued succession in our royal progenitors, and by such a constant submission of all the people, that the same can admit of no dispute; no act of our predecessors can debar us of it, no power on earth can justly take it from us; and, by the undoubted laws of that nation, to oppose us, either in the claim or exercise thereof, is a treason of the highest degree.

"And although the bloody contrivers of our father's murder (out of a pernicious hatred to all monarchies) have, by force, as much as in them lies, disinherited us of our princely right thereunto, banished and proscribed us, seized all our revenues, prohibited all intercourse and supplies to be sent to us, and have, by violence, imposed upon the people of England a new yoke of popular tyranny, to the utter subversion not only of our just rights, but of their laws and liberties; yet we do profess that we cannot persuade ourself that the body of the English nation hath so far degenerated from their ancient loyalty and virtue as to consent to these horrid proceedings against us, or to approve the cutting off that kingly government, under which they and your forefathers have happily flourished so many ages past, to the envy of all your neighbour nations. How can that once-happy nation of England despair of blessed days under a royal sceptre, and vainly hope for them under the iron rod of an insolent multitude? No, we cannot look upon these sad and dismal changes as the desires or intentions of the better part of our subjects of that kingdom, but rather as the designs and contrivances

of those wicked murderers of our father, whose ambitions are endless, whose avarice is insatiable, and whose guilt hath made them desperate. And therefore, out of a confidence we have of the loyalty and good affections of many of our subjects of that nation, and as well for their encouragement who still persist in their natural allegiance and obedience to us, as for the security of such as shall yet return to their duties and loyalties, we have thought fit hereby further to declare:

"That we are graciously pleased to receive all persons of our kingdom of England and dominion of Wales, other than such who voted or acted in that bloody murder of our dear father, into our royal grace, mercy, and protection, owning and esteeming them all as our good and loving subjects, whom, upon access to our kingly authority, we shall hold ourself bound, according to the law of God, the known laws of that nation, and the duty of our kingly office, to protect, maintain, and preserve, in wealth, peace, and happiness.

"And for a clear evidence of our good intentions towards them, we shall be contented freely to pardon, or otherwise by act to declare or hold indemnified, all persons within our said kingdom of England and dominion of Wales (except before excepted), for any matters whatsoever, relating to the late unhappy war and distractions. And we shall, according to the example of our dear father, be ready, upon the establishment of our royal throne, to make such further concessions for the satisfaction and security of our good subjects in general, and of all interests in particular, as shall be adjudged most to conduce to the peace and happiness of that kingdom.

"And we do further declare, that we shall give our utmost assistance to restore parliaments to their ancient dignity and honour, and shall preserve their just privileges, and join to repair all those injuries and affronts which have been done to the members of that high court.

And, because all ways of gaining a mutual confidence

betwixt us and our good subjects are at present obstructed by the usurped force and power now prevalent in that kingdom, we are therefore resolved to make use of such expedients as shall be necessary for the suppression of that tyrannical and unjust power now exercised over them, and for bringing to their due punishment those bloody murderers of our dear father; for shaking off the heavy burdens and taxes they now groan under; and for restoring our just rights, and the ancient liberties and freedom of the English nation; not doubting but we shall find all our good subjects ready to concur and assist us in our just and pious undertakings for those ends. And in the mean time, we require and command all our said subjects, according to their duty to God, their allegiance to us, their several oaths and protestations, and the love and affection they bear to the peace of their native country, that they do not betray their lawful king, nor the glorious liberties and laws of England, into a perpetual slavery, by acknowledgment or voluntary submission to any new forms or models of government, under the name or mask of a free state, nor any other title or pretence whatsoever.

"Given at our court at Castle Elizabeth, in our Isle

of Jersey, the 21st day of October, 1649, in the first year of our reign.

"This Declaration was read and perfected in a council held at Castle Elizabeth, in the Island of Jersey, the 21st of October, 1649; there being then present, his Majesty, the Duke of York, Lord Keeper, Lord Hopton, Sir Edward Nicholas, and Mr. Secretary Long."

There was nothing in the first part of this Declaration contrary to the sentiments and feelings of the Navy, who well knew, that they pertained not to the number of those of whom the king expressed

his abhorrence; and the latter part of the Declaration was in perfect unison with the principles which they had themselves declared. The terms of the Covenant, to which the whole Navy had sworn, operated strongly on the minds of all who were conscientious, of whom there were very many. That solemn engagement bound them equally to the king as to the parliament; as their previous Protestation, framed by themselves, had also done. When, therefore, Cromwell had despoiled and dispersed the parliament, to which they had pledged and performed obedience, there still remained the royal party in that engagement, which had now no rival claimant on their duty; for Cromwell was neither of the two parties specified in it. The prior obligation to the king, therefore, remained in force, and superseded in their minds all sense of allegiance to the nominal Protector, whom they could only regard as a hostile intruder in the concerns of their duty and conscience. A similar effect was produced in Ireland: "After the parliament had invested a single person with the supreme power," says Warner, " and that he had

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accepted it with so much pomp, the enemies of "Cromwell began to multiply very fast."1 "I am

"much of your lordship's opinion," said Sir Edward Nicholas, in a letter to Lord Culpepper, of the 8th of June, 1657," that Cromwell's manifesting his great "ambition to be made king, hath given him a blow "at the heart, and that he will not long be any thing."

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Vol. ii. p. 562.

Cromwell was not unapprised of this natural current of thought and of feeling, nor of the issue to which it must naturally and necessarily work; but his mind was fascinated by the idea of present possession, and to that idea he sacrificed all providence of the future, by which course he prepared for himself a sequel of endless disquietude and alarm. Yet he had sufficient warnings on two occasions recorded by Whitelock, abstracts of which it will not be out of place to produce here.

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The first was on the 10th of December, 1651, Upon the defeat at Worcester (says that memorialist), Cromwell desired a meeting with divers "members of parliament, and some chief officers of "the army, at the speaker's house; and a great many being there, he proposed to them, That now, the "old king being dead, and his son being defeated, " he held it necessary to come to a settlement of the "nation. And in order thereunto, he had requested "this meeting, that they together might consider "and advise what was fit to be done, and to be pre"sented to the parliament." On which proposition, the following discussion took place.

Lenthall, Speaker." My lord, this company were very ready to attend your excellency; and the business you are pleased to propound to us, is very necessary to be considered. God hath given marvellous success to our forces under your command, and if we do not improve these mercies to some settlement, such as may be to God's honour and the good of this commonwealth, we shall be very much blame-worthy."

Maj.-Gen. Harrison." I think that which my lord