must be imputed to a man but from a legal proof before his judges; and even these judges must be his fellow-fubjects, who are engaged, by their own intereft, to have a watchful eye over the encroachments and violence of the minifters. From thefe caufes it proceeds, that there is as much liberty, and even, perhaps, licentiousness in BRITAIN, as there were formerly flavery and tyranny in ROME. These principles account for the great liberty of the press in these kingdoms, beyond what is indulged in any other government. 'Tis fufficiently known, that arbitrary power would fteal in upon us, were we not extremely watchful to prevent its progress, and were there not an easy method of conveying the alarum from one end of the kingdom to the other. The spirit of the people must frequently be rouzed in order to curb the ambition of the court; and the dread of rousing this spirit, must be employed to prevent that ambition. Nothing fo effectual to this purpose as the liberty of the prefs, by which all the learning, wit and genius of the nation may be employed on the fide of freedom, and every one be animated to its defence. As long, therefore, as the republican part of our government can maintain itself against the monarchical, it must be extremely careful of preserving the prefs open, as of the utmost importance to its own preservation. Since therefore that liberty is fo effential to the fupport of our mixed government; this fufficiently decides the fecond queftion, Whether fuch a liberty be advantageous or prejudicial; there being nothing of greater importance in every state than the preservation of the ancient government, especially if it be a free one. But I would fain go a step farther, and affert, that C 2 this this liberty is attended with so few inconveniencies, that it may be claimed as the common right of mankind, and ought to be indulged them in every species of government; except the ecclefiaftical, to which indeed it would prove fatal. We need not dread from this liberty any such ill confequences as followed from the harangues of the popular demagogues of ATHENS and tribunes of ROME. A man reads a book or pamphlet coolly and alone. There is none present from whom he can catch the paffion by contagion. He is not hurried away by the force and energy of action. And should he be wrought up to ever fo feditious a humour, there is no violent refolution prefented to him, by which he can immediately vent his passion. The liberty of the press, therefore, however abused, can scarce ever excite popular tumults or rebellion. And as to those murmurs or fecret difcontents it may occafion, 'tis better they should get vent in words, that they may come to the knowlege of the magiftrate before it be too late, in order to his providing a remedy against them. Mankind, it is true, have always a greater propenfion to believe what is faid to the difadvantage of their governors, than the contrary; but this inclination is infeparable from them, whether they have liberty or not. A whisper may fly as quick, and be as pernicious as a pamphlet. Nay, it will be more pernicious, where men are not accustomed to think freely, or distinguish between truth and falfhood. It has alfo been found, as the experience of mankind increases, that the people are no fuch dangerous monfter as they have been reprefented, and that it is in every respect better to guide them, like rational creatures, than to lead or drive them, like brute beafts. Before the United Provinces fet the example, toleration was was deemed incompatible with good government; and it was thought impoffible, that a number of religious fects could live together in harmony and peace, and preferve an equal affection to their common country, and to each other. ENGLAND has fet a like example of civil liberty; and though this liberty feems to occasion some small ferment at present, it has not as yet produced any pernicious effects; and it is to be hoped, that men, being every day more accustomed to the free difcuffion of public affairs, will improve in their judgment of them, and be with greater difficulty feduced by every idle rumour and popular clamour. It is a very comfortable reflection to the lovers of liberty, that this peculiar privilege of BRITAIN is of a kind that cannot easily be wrefted from us, but must last as long as our government remains, in any degree, free and independent. It is feldom, that liberty of any kind is loft all at once. Slavery has fo frightful an afpect to men accustomed to freedom, that it must steal upon them by degrees, and muft disguise itself in a thousand shapes, in order to be received. But, if the liberty of the press ever be loft, it must be loft at once. The general laws against fedition and libelling are at prefent as ftrong as they poffibly can be made. Nothing can impose a farther restraint, but either the clapping an IMPRIMATUR upon the prefs, or the giving to the court very large difcretionary powers to punifl whatever displeases them. But thefe conceffions would be fuch a bare-faced violation of liberty, that they will probably be the laft efforts of a defpotic government. We may conclude, that the liberty of Britain is gone for ever when these attempts. fhall fucceed.. ESSAY III. THAT POLITICS MAY BE REDUCED TO A SCIENCE. IT is a question with many, Whether there be any effential difference between one form of government and another? and, whether every form may not become good or bad, according as it is well or ill adminiftred *? Were it once admitted, that all governments are alike, and that the only difference confifts in the character and conduct of the governors, most political disputes would be at an end, and all Zeal for one constitution above another, may justly be efteemed mere bigotry and folly. But, though a friend to Moderation, I cannot forbear condemning this fentiment, and should be forry to think, that human affairs admit of no greater stability, than what they receive from the cafual humours and characters of particular men. 'Tis true, those who maintain, that the goodness of all government consists in the goodness of the administration, may cite many particular instances in history, where the very same government, in different hands, has varied fuddenly into the two opposite extremes of good and bad. Compare the FRENCH For forms of government let fools conteft; 7 ESSAY ON MAN, Book 3. government government under HENRY III. and under HENRY IV. Oppreffion, levity, artifice on the part of the rulers; faction, fedition, treachery, difloyalty, rebellion, on the part of the fubjects: Thefe compose the character of the former miserable æra. But when the patriot and heroic prince, who fucceeded, was once firmly feated on the throne, the government, the people, every thing feemed to be totally changed; and all from the difference of the temper and fentiments of these two fovereigns. An equal difference of a contrary kind, may be found on comparing the reigns of ELIZABETH and JAMES, at least with regard to foreign affairs: and inftances of this kind may be multiplied, almost without number, from ancient as well as modern history. But here I would beg leave to make a distinction. All abfolute governments (and fuch, in a great meafure, was that of ENGLAND, till the middle of the last century, notwithstanding the numerous panegyrics on ancient ENGLLSH liberty) muft very much depend on the administration; and this is one of the great inconveniencies of that form of government. But a republican and free government would be a moft obvious abfurdity, if the particular checks and controuls, provided by the constitution, had really no influence, and made it not the inte-rest, even of bad men, to operate for the public good.. Such is the intention of thefe forms of government, and fuch is their real effect, where they are wifely conftituted: As, on the other hand, they are the fources of all diforder, and of the blackeft crimes, where either fkill or honefty has been wanting in their original frame and institution.. So great is the force of laws, and of particular forms of government, and fo little dependence have they on the humours> and: |