leaft murmur or controverfy? This general confent furely, during fo long a time, must be fufficient to render a conftitution legal and valid. If the origin, of all power be derived, as is pretended, from the people; here is their confent in the fulleft and most ample terms that can be defired or imagined.

But the people must not pretend, because they can, by their confent, lay the foundations of government, that therefore they are to be permitted, at their pleasure, to overthrow and fubvert them. There is no end of these feditious and arrogant claims. The power of the crown is now openly struck at: The nobility are alfo in vifible peril: The gentry will foon follow: The popular leaders, who will then affume the name of gentry, will next be exposed to danger: And the people themselves, having become incapable of civil government, and lying under the restraint of no authority, muft, for the fake of peace, admit, inftead of their legal and mild monarchs, a fucceffion of military and defpotic tyrants.

Thefe confequences are the more to be dreaded, as the prefent fury of the people, though gloffed over by pretenfions to civil liberty, is in reality incited by the fanaticism of religion; a principle the most blind, headstrong and ungovernable, by which human nature can ever poffibly be actuated. Popular rage is dreadful from whatever motive derived: But muft be attended with the most pernicious confequences, when it arifes from a principle, which difclaims all controul by human law, reason, or authority.

These are the arguments, which each party may make use of to justify the conduct of their predeceffors, during that great crifis. The event has shown, that the reasonings of the

popu

popular party were better founded; but perhaps, according to the established maxims of lawyers and politicians, the views of the royalists ought, beforehand, to have appeared more folid, more fafe, and more legal. But this is certain, that the greater moderation we now employ in representing paft events; the nearer we shall be to produce a full coalition of the parties, and an entire acquiefcence in our present happy establishment. Moderation is of advantage to every establishment: Nothing but zeal can overturn a fettled power: And an over-active zeal in friends is apt to beget a like spirit in antagonists. The tranfition from a moderate oppofition against an establishment, to an entire acquiefcence in it, is easy and infenfible.

There are many invincible arguments, which should induce the malecontent party to acquiefce entirely in the present settlement of the conftitution. They now find, that the spirit of civil liberty, though at first connected with religious fanaticism, could purge itself from that pollution, and appear under a more genuine and engaging aspect; a friend to toleration, and an encourager of all the enlarged and generous fentiments that do honour to human nature. They may obferve, that the popular claims could ftop at a proper period; and after retrenching the exorbitant prerogatives of the crown, could still maintain a due respect to monarchy, to nobility, and to all antient institutions. Above all, they must be sensible, that the very principle, which made the ftrength of their party, and from which it derived its chief authority, has now deferted them, and gone over to their antagonists. The plan of liberty is fettled; its happy effects are proved by experience; a long tract of time has given it stability; and whoever would atAaaa 2 tempt

tempt to overturn it, and to recall the past government or abdicated family, would, befides other more criminal imputations, be expofed in their turn to the reproach of faction and innovation. While they perufe the history of past events, they ought to reflect, both that the rights of the crown are long fince annihilated, and that the tyranny, and violence, and oppreffion, to which they often gave rife, are ills, from which the established liberty of the constitution has now at last happily protected the people. These reflections will prove a better fecurity to our freedom and privileges, than to deny, contrary to the cleareft evidence of facts, that such regal powers ever had any exiftence. There is not a more effectual method of betraying a cause, than to lay the ftress of the argument on a wrong place, and by difputing an untenable poft, enure the adverfaries to fuccefs and victory.

ESS

A Y XV.

OF THE PROTESTANT SUCCESSION.

I

SUPPOSE, that a member of parliament, in the reign of

King WILLIAM or Queen ANNE, while the establishment of the Proteftant Succeffion was yet uncertain, were deliberating concerning the party he would chufe in that important question, and weighing with impartiality, the advantages and disadvantages on each fide. I believe the following particulars would have entered into his confideration.

He would easily perceive the great advantages refulting from the restoration of the STUART family; by which we should preserve the fucceffion clear and undisputed, free from a pretender, with fuch a fpecious title as that of blood, which, with the multitude, is always the claim, the strongest and most eafily comprehended. 'Tis in vain to say, as many have donc, that the queftion with regard to governors, independent of g0vernment, is frivolous, and little worth difputing, much less fighting about. The generality of mankind never will enter into these sentiments; and 'tis much happier, I believe, for fociety, that they do not, but rather continue in their natural prejudices and prepoffeffions. How could ftability be pre-ferved in any monarchical government, (which, though per

hans,

haps, not the best, is, and always has been, the most common of any) unless men had fo paffionate a regard for the true heir of their royal family; and even though he be weak in understanding, or infirm in years, gave him fo great a preference above perfons the most accomplished in shining talents, or celebrated for great atchievements? Would not every popular leader put in his claim at every vacancy, or even without any vacancy; and the kingdom become the theatre of perpe

tual wars and convulfions? The condition of the ROMAN empire, furely, was not, in this refpect, much to be envied; nor is that of the Eaftern nations, who pay little regard to the title of their sovereigns, but facrifice them, every day, to the caprice or momentary humour of the populace or foldiery. 'Tis but a foolish wifdom, which is fo carefully displayed, in undervaluing princes, and placing them on a level with the meanest of mankind. To be sure, an anatomist finds no more in the greatest monarch than in the lowest peasant or daylabourer; and a moralift may, perhaps, frequently find less. But what do all these reflections tend to? We, all of us, ftill retain these prejudices in favour of birth and family; and neither in our ferious occupations, nor most careless amusements, can we ever get entirely rid of them. A tragedy, that should represent the adventures of failors, or porters, or even of private gentlemen, would prefently difguft us; but one that introduces kings and princes, acquires in our eyes an air of importance and dignity. Or fhould a man be able, by his fuperior wisdom, to get entirely above such prepossesfions, he would foon, by means of the fame wisdom, again bring himself down to them, for the fake of fociety, whose welfare he would perceive to be intimately connected with them. Far from endeavouring to undeceive the people in this

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