in fociety, that whatever favours its progrefs and fecurity, can fcarce be too fondly cherished by every one who is a lover of human kind. But the fettlement in the houfe of HANOVER has actually taken place. The princes of that family, without intrigue, without cabal, without folicitation on their part, have been called to mount our throne, by the united voice of the whole legislative body. They have, fince their acceffion, displayed in all their actions, the utmoft mildnefs, equity, and regard to the laws and conftitution. Our own minifters, our own parliaments, ourselves have governed us; and if aught ill has befallen us, we can only blame fortune or ourselves. What a reproach must we become among nations, if, disgusted with a fettlement fo deliberately made, and whofe conditions have been fo religiously observed, we should throw every thing again into confufion; and by our levity and rebellious disposition, prove ourselves totally unfit for any ftate but that of abfolute flavery and subjection ? The greatest inconvenience attending a difputed title, is, that it brings us in danger of civil wars and rebellions. What wife man, to avoid this inconvenience, would run directly upon a civil war and rebellion? Not to mention, that fo long poffeffion, fecured by fo many laws, muft, ere this time, in the apprehension of a great part of the nation, have begot a title in the house of HANOVER, independent of their present poffeffion; So that now we should not, even by a revolution, obtain the end of avoiding a difputed title. VOL. I, Cccc -No No revolution made by national forces, will ever be able, without fome other great neceffity, to abolifh our debts and incumbrances, in which the intereft of fo many perfons is concerned. And a revolution made by foreign forces is a conqueft: A calamity with which the precarious balance of threatens us, and which our civil diffenfions are likely, above all other circumftances, to bring upon us. power ESSAY XVI. IDEA OF A PERFECT COMMONWEALTH. Fall mankind there are none fo pernicious as political projectors, if they have power; nor fo ridiculous, if they want it: As, on the other hand, a wife politician is the most beneficial character in nature, if accompanied with authority; and the most innocent, and not altogether useless, even if deprived of it. 'Tis not with forms of government, as with other artificial contrivances; where an old engine may be rejected, if we can discover another more accurate and commodious, or where trials may fafely be made, even though the fuccefs be doubtful. An established government has an infinite advantage, by that very circumftance of its being eflablished; the bulk of mankind being governed by authority, not reafon, and never attributing authority to any thing that has not the recommendation of antiquity. To tamper, therefore, in this affair, or try projects merely upon the credit of fuppofed argument and philofophy, can never be the part of a wife magiftrate, who will bear a reverence to what carries the marks of age; and though he may attempt fome improvements for the public good, yet will he adjuft his innovations, as much as poffible, to the antient fabric, and preferve intire the chief pillars and fupports of the conftitution. The mathematicians in EUROPE have been much divided concerning that figure of a ship, which is the most commodious for failing; and HUYGENS, who at laft determined this controversy, is juftly thought to have obliged the learned, as well as commercial world; though COLUMBUS had failed to AMERICA, and Sir FRANCIS DRAKE made the tour of the world, without any fuch discovery. As one form of government must be allowed more perfect than another, independent of the manners and humours of particular men; why may we not inquire what is the most perfect of all, though the common botched and inaccurate governments feem to serve the purposes of society, and though it be not so eafy to establish a new government, as to build a vessel upon a new plan? The fubject is furely the moft worthy curiofity of any the wit of man can poffibly devife. And who knows, if this controverfy were fixed by the univerfal confent of the learned, but, in fome future age, an opportunity might be afforded of reducing the theory to practice, either by a diffolution of the old governments, or the combination of men to form a new one, in some distant part of the world? In all cafes, it must be advantageous to know what is most perfect in the kind, that we may be able to bring any real conftitution or form of government as near it as poffible, by fuch gentle alterations and innovations as may not give too great disturbance to society. All I pretend to in the prefent effay is to revive this fubject of fpeculation; and therefore I shall deliver my fentiments in as few words as poffible. A long differtation on that head would not, I apprehend, be very acceptable to the public, who will be apt to regard fuch difquifitions both as ufelefs and chi merical. All All plans of government, which suppose great reformation in the manners of mankind, are plainly imaginary. Of this nature, are the Republic of PLATO, and the Utopia of Sir THOMAS MORE. The OCEANA is the only valuable model of a commonwealth, that has as yet been offered to the public. The chief defects of the OCEANA feem to be thefe. First, Its rotation is inconvenient, by throwing men, of whatever ability, by intervals, out of public employment. Secondly, Its Agrarian is impracticable. Men will foon learn the art, which was practised in antient ROME, of concealing their poffeffions under other people's names; till at last, the abuse will become fo common, that they will throw off even the appearance of restraint. Thirdly, The OCEANA provides not a fufficient fecurity for liberty, or the redress of grievances. The fenate must propofe, and the people confent; by which means, the fenate have not only a negative upon the people, but, what is of infinitely greater confequence, their negative goes before the votes of the people. Were the King's negative of the fame nature in the ENGLISH conftitution, and could he prevent any bill from coming into parliament, he would be an abfolute monarch. As his negative follows the votes of the houses, it is of little confequence: Such a difference is there in the manner of placing the fame thing. When a popular bill has been debated in the two houses, is brought to maturity, all its conveniencies and in inconveniencies weighed and balanced; if afterwards it be prefented for the royal affent, few princes will venture to reject the unanimous defire of the people. But could the King crush a disagreeable bill in embryo (as was the cafe, for fome time, in the Scors parliament, by means |