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fellow citizen, who thinks that another man or family is poffef fed of this right. Each naturally wishes that right may take place, according to his own notions of it. But where the difference of principles is attended with no contrariety of action, but each may follow his own way, without interfering with his neighbour, as happens in all religious controversies; what madness, what fury can beget fuch unhappy and fuch fatal divifions?

Two men, travelling on the highway, the one eaft, the other weft, can easily pass each other, if the way be broad enough: But two men, reasoning upon oppofite principles of religion, cannot fo easily pass, without fhocking; though one should think, that the way were also, in that cafe, fufficiently broad, and that each might proceed, without interruption, in his own courfe. But fuch is the nature of the human mind, that it always takes hold of every mind that approaches it; and as it is wonderfully fortified and corroborated by an unanimity of fentiments, fo is it fhocked and difturbed by any contrariety. Hence the eagerness, which most people discover in a dispute; and hence their impatience of oppofition, even in the most speculative and indifferent opinions.

This principle, however frivolous it may appear, seems to have been the origin of all religious wars and divifions. But as this principle is universal in human nature, its effects would not have been confined to one age, and to one fect of religion, did it not there concur with other more accidental caufes, which raise it to fuch a height as to produce the highest disorder and devastation. Most religions of the ancient world arofe in the unknown ages of government, when men were as yet barba

rous

rous and uninftructed, and the prince, as well as peasant, was difpofed to receive, with implicit faith, every pious tale or fiction which was offered him. The magiftrate embraced the religion of the people, and entering cordially into the care of sacred matters, naturally acquired an authority in them, and united the ecclefiaftical with the civil power. But the Chriftian religion arifing, while principles directly opposite to it were firmly established in the polite part of the world, who despised the nation that first broached this novelty; no wonder, that in such circumstances, it was but little countenanced by the civil magiftrate, and that the priesthood were allowed to engross all the authority in the new fect. So bad a use did they make of this power, even in thofe early times, that the perfecutions of Chriflianity may, perhaps, in part*, be afcribed to the violence inftilled by them into their followers. And the fame principles. of priefly government continuing, after Chriftianity became.

I fay, in part; For 'tis a vulgar error to imagine, that the ancients were as great friends to toleration as the ENGLISH OF DUTCH are at prefent. The laws against external fuperftition, amongst the ROMANS, were as ancient as the time of the twelve tables; and the Jews as well as CHRISTIANS were fometimes punished by them; though, in general, thefe laws were not rigorously executed. Immediately after the conqueft of GAUL, the ROMANS forbad all but the natives to be initiated into the religion of the DRUIDS; and this was a kind of perfecution. In about a century after this conqueft, the emperor, CLAUDIUS, quite abolished that fuperftition by penal laws; which would have been a very grievous perfecution, if the imitation of the ROMAN manners had not, before-hand, weaned the GAULS from their ancient prejudices. SUFTONIUS in vita CLAUDII. PLINY afcribes the abolition of the Druid fuperftition to TIBERIUS, probably because that emperor had taken fome steps towards reftraining them, (lib. 30. cap. 1.) This is an inftance of the ufual caution and moderation of the ROMANS in fuch cafes; and very different from their violent and fanguinary method of treating the Chriftians. Hence we may entertain a fufpicion, that thofe furious perfecutions of Chriftianity were, in fome measure, owing to the imprudent zeal and bigotry of the firft propagators of that feet; and Ecclefiaftical hiftory affords us many reafons to confirm this fufpicion.

VOL. I.

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the established religion, they have engendered a spirit of persecution, which has ever fince been the poifon of human fociety, and the fource of the most inveterate factions in every governSuch factions, therefore, on the part of the people, may justly be efteemed factions of principle: but, on the part of the pricfts, who are the prime movers, they are really factions of intereft.

There is another caufe (befide the authority of the priests, and the feparation of the ecclefiaftical and civil powers) which has contributed to render CHRISTENDOM the fcene of religious wars and divifions. Religions, that arife in ages totally ignorant and barbarous, confift moftly of traditional tales and fictions, which may be very different in every feet, without being contrary, to each other; and even when they are contrary, every one adheres to the tradition of his own fect, without much reasoning or difputation. But as philofophy was widely spread over the world, at the time when Christianity arose, the teachers of the new fect were obliged to form a system of speculative opinions; to divide, with fome accuracy, their articles of faith; and to explain, comment, confute, and confirm with all the fubtilty of argument and fcience. From hence naturally arose keenness in difpute, when the Chriftian religion came to be fplit into new divifions and herefies: And this keennefs affifted the priests in their policy, of begetting a mutual hatred and antipathy among the deluded followers. Sects of philosophy in the ancient world, were more zealous than parties of religion; but in modern times, parties of religion are more furious and enraged than the most cruel factions that ever arose from intereft and ambition.

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I have mentioned parties from affection as a kind of real ties, beside those from intereft and principle. By parties from affection, I underfland those which are founded on the different affections of men towards particular families and perfons, whom they defire to rule over them. Thefe parties are often very violent; though, I muft own, it is fomewhat unaccountable, that men should attach themfelves fo ftrongly to perfons, with whom they are no wife acquainted, whom perhaps they never faw, and from whom they never received, nor can ever hope for any favour. Yet this we find often to be the cafe, and even with men, who, on other occafions, difcover no great generosity of fpirit, nor are found to be easily transported by friendship beyond their own intereft. We are apt, I know not how, to think the relation between us and our fovereign very clofe and intimate. The fplendor of majefty and power beftows an importance on the fortunes even of a fingle perfon. And when a man's good-nature gives him not this imaginary intereft, his ill-nature will, from fpite and oppofition to perfonswhofe fentiments are different from his own.

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ESSA Y VIII.

OF THE PARTIES OF GREAT BRITAIN.

W

ERE the BRITISH government propofed as a fubject of speculation to a studious man, he would immediately perceive in it a fource of divifion and party, which it would be almost impoffible for it, under any administration, to avoid. The just balance between the republican and monarchical part of our constitution is really, in itself, fo extremely delicate and uncertain, that when joined to mens paffions and prejudices, 'tis impoffible but different opinions muft arife concerning it, even among perfons of the beft understanding. Thofe of mild tempers, who love peace and order, and deteft fedition and civil wars, will always entertain more favourable fentiments of monarchy, than men of bold and generous fpirits, who are paffionate lovers of liberty, and think no evil comparable to fubjection and flavery. And though all reasonable men agree in general to preferve our mixed government; yet when they come to particulars, fome will incline to truft larger powers to the crown, to bestow on it more influence, and to guard against its encroachments, with lefs caution, than others who are terrified at the most distant approaches of tyranny and despotic power. Thus are there parties of PRINCIPLE involved in the very nature of our constitution, which may properly enough

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