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2. That the action of our State Legislature in passing the so-called Declaration of Independence' and in forming the Military League' with the Confederate States, and in adopting other acts looking to a separation of the State of Tennessee from the Government of the United States, is unconstitutional and illegal, and therefore not binding upon us as loyal citizens.

"3. That in order to avert a conflict with our brethren in other parts of the State, and desiring that all constitutional means shall be resorted to for the preservation of peace, we do, therefore, constitute and appoint O. P. Temple, of Knox, John Netherland, of Hawkins, and James P. McDowell, of Greene, commissioners, whose duty it shall be to prepare a memorial and cause the same to be presented to the General Assembly of Tennessee, now in session, asking its consent that the counties composing East Tennessee, and such counties in Middle Tennessee as desire to co-operate with them, may form and erect a separate State.

“4. Desiring, in good faith, that the General Assembly will grant this our reasonable request, and still claiming the right to determine our own destiny, we do further resolve that an election be held in all the counties of East Tennessee, and in such other counties in Middle Tennessee adjacent thereto

as may desire to co-operate with us, for the choice of delegates to represent them in a General Convention, to be held in the town of Kingston at such

time as the President of this Convention, or, in case of his absence or inability, any one of the VicePresidents, or, in like case with them, the Secretary

of this Convention may designate; and the officer so designating the day for the assembling of said Convention shall also fix the time for holding the election herein provided for, and give reasonable notice thereof.

5. In order to carry out the foregoing resolution, the sheriffs of the different counties are hereby

The Resolutions.

requested to open and hold said election, or cause the same to be so held, in the usual manner and at the usual places of voting, as prescribed by law; and in the event the sheriff of any county should fail or refuse to open and hold said election, or cause the same to be done, the coroner of such county is requested to do so, and should such coroner fail or refuse, then any constable of such county is hereby authorized to open and hold said election, or cause the same to be held. And if in any county none of the above-named officers will hold said election, then any Justice of the Peace or freeholder in such county is authorized to hold the same, or cause it to be done. The officer or other person holding said election shall certify the result to the President of this Convention, or to such officer as may have directed the same to be holden, at as early a day thereafter as practicable; and the officer to whom said returns may be made, shall open and compare the polls and issue certificates to the delegates elected."

The Closing Scene.

Vain protest! It was not long before those Unionists and protestants against wrong were flying for their lives, and were hunted down like wild beasts. The leaders disappeared from observation, and the people could only acquiesce in a state of affairs which, in the presence of the armed minions of the Southern

Confederacy, they were powerless to prevent. Exiled, outlawed, scourged, imprisoned, consigned to the gallows in companies, the story of East Tennessee is written in tears and blood; and if all other records of the wrong and outrage perpetrated by the Confederacy on Southern citizens were blotted out, the persecutions inflicted upon loyal men in Tennessee would suffice to consign the memory of the secession movement and its leaders to eternal infamy.

Alas that deliverance was so long delayed!
















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Davis' Message of
July 20th, 1861.

THE adjourned session | lation of his forces on the PoDavis' Message of of the Confederate Congress tomac sufficiently demonstrated July 20th, 1861. was resumed at Richmond that his efforts were to be diJuly 20th, when Jefferson Davis laid before the rected against Virginia, and from no point could ne assembled members important documents. cessary measures for her defense and protection be so effectively decided, as from her own capital. The rapHis Message-forming, as it does, an import-id progress of events, for the last few weeks, has fully ant link in the chain of history of the Rebel-sufficed to lift the veil, behind which the true policy lion-we give at length: and purposes of the Government of the United States

"Gentlemen of the Congress of the Confederate States of had been previously concealed. Their odious fea


"My message addressed to you at the commencement of the last session contained such full inform ation of the state of the Confederacy as to render it unnecessary that I should now do more than call your attention to such important facts as have occurred during the recess, and the matters connected with the public defense.

"I have again to congratulate you on the accession of new members to our Confederation of free and equally sovereign States. Our loved and honored brethren of North Carolina and Tennessee have consummated the action foreseen and provided for at your last session, and I have had the gratification of announcing, by proclamation, in conformity with law, that these States were admitted into the Confederacy. The people of Virginia, also, by a majority previously unknown in our history, have ratified the action of her Convention uniting her fortunes with ours. The States of Arkansas, North Carolina and Virginia have likewise adopted the permanent Constitution of the Confederate States, and no doubt is entertained of its adoption by Tennessee, at the election to be held early in next month.

tures now stand fully revealed. The message of their President and the action of their Congress during the present month, confess their intention of the subjugation of these States, by a war, by which it is impossible to attain the proposed result, while its dire calamities, not to be avoided by us, will fall with double severity on themselves.

Commencing in March last, with the affectation of ignoring the secession of seven States, which first organized this Government; persevering in April in the idle and absurd assumption of the existence of a riot, which was to be dispersed by a posse comitatus ; continuing in successive months the false representation that these States intended an offensive war, in spite of conclusive evidence to the contrary, furnished as well by official action as by the very basis on which this Government is constituted, the President of the United States and his advisers succeeded in deceiving the people of those States into the belief that the purpose of this Government was not peace at home, but conquest abroad; not defense of its own liberties, but subversion of those of the people of the United States. The series of manoeuvres by which this impression was created; the art with which they were devised, and the perfidy with which they were executed, were already known to you, but you could scarcely have supposed that they would be openly avowed, and their success made the subject of boast and self-laudation in an

"I deemed it advisable to direct the removal of the several executive departments, with their archives, to this city, to which you have removed the Beat of Government. Immediately after your adjournment, the aggressive movements of the enemy required prompt, energetic action. The accumu-executive message. Fortunately for truth and his

Davis' Message.


Davis' Message.

"In this war, rapine is the rule; private houses,

tory, however, the President | the inhabitants of this Confedof the United States details, eracy are still citizens of the with minuteness, the attempt to reenforce Fort United States; for they are waging an indiscriminPickens, in violation of an armistice of which ate war upon them all, with savage ferocity, unhe confessed to have been informed, but only by known in modern civilization. rumors; too vague and uncertain to fix the attention of the hostile expedition dispatched to supply Fort Sumter, admitted to have been undertaken with the knowledge that its success was impossible; the sending of a notice to the Governor of South Carolina of his intention to use force to accomplish his object; and then quoting from his inaugural address the assurance that there could be no conflict unless these States were the aggressors,' he proceeds to declare his conduct, as just related by himself, was the performance of a promise, so free from the power of ingenious sophistry as that the world should not be able to misunderstand it; and in defiance of his own statement that he gave notice of the approach of a hostile fleet, he charges these States with becoming the assailants of the United States, without a gun in sight, or in expectancy, to return their fire, save only a few in the fort. He is, indeed, fully justified in saying that the case is so free from the power of ingenious sophistry that the world will not be able to misunderstand it. Under cover of this unfounded pretense, that the Confederate States are the assailants, that high functionary, after expressing his concern that some foreign nations had so shaped their action as if they supposed the early destruction of the National Union probable, abandons all further disguise, and proposes to make this contest a short and decisive one, by placing at the control of the Government for the work at least four hundred thousand men and four hundred millions of dollars. The Congress, concurring in the doubt thus intimated as to the sufficiency of the force demanded, has increased it to half a million of men.

"These enormous preparations in men and money, for the conduct of the war, on a scale more grand than any which the new world ever witnessed, is a distinct avowal, in the eyes of civilized man, that the United States are engaged in a conflict with a great and powerful nation.. They are at last compelled to abandon the pretense of being engaged in dispersing rioters and suppressing insurrections, and are driven to the acknowledgment that the ancient Union has been dissolved. They recognize the separate existence of these Confederate States, by an interdictive embargo and blockade of all commerce between them and the United States, not only by sea, but by land; not only in ships, but in cars; not only with those who bear arms, but with the entire population of the Confederate States. Finally they have repudiated the foolish conceit that

beautiful rural retreats, are bombarded and burnt; grain crops in the field are consumed by the torch, and, when the torch is not convenient, careful labor is bestowed to render complete the destruction of every article of use or ornament remaining in private dwellings after their inhabitants have fled from the outrages of brute soldiery. In 1781, Great Britain, when invading the revolted colonies, took possession of every district and county near Fortress Monroe, now occupied by the troops of the United States. The houses then inhabited by the people, after being respected and protected by avowed invaders, are now pillaged and destroyed by men who pretend that Virginians are their fellowcitizens. Mankind will shudder at the tales of the outrages committed on defenseless families by sol diers of the United States, now invading our homes; yet these outrages are prompted by inflamed pas sions and the madness of intoxication. But who shall depict the horror they entertain for the cool and deliberate malignancy which, under the pretext of suppressing insurrection, (said by themselves to be upheld by a minority only of our people,) makes special war on the sick, including children and women, by carefully devised measures to prevent them from obtaining the medicines necessary for their cure. The sacred claims of humanity, respect ed even during the fury of actual battle, by careful diversion of attack from hospitals containing wounded enemies, are outraged in cold blood by a Gov. ernment and people that pretend to desire a continuance of fraternal connections. All these outrages must remain unavenged by the universal reprehension of mankind. In all cases where the actual perpetrators of the wrongs escape capture, they admit of no retaliation. The humanity of our people would shrink instinctively from the bare idea of urging a like war upon the sick, the women and the children of an enemy. But there are other savage practices which have been resorted to by the Government of the United States, which do admit of repression by retaliation, and I have been driven to the necessity of enforcing the repression. The prisoners of war taken by the enemy on board the armed schooner Savannah, sailing under our commission, were, as I was credibly advised, treated like common felons, put in irons, confined in a jail usually appro priated to criminals of the worst dye, and threaten. ed with punishment as such. I had made applica

Davis' Message.





Davis' Message.

tion for the exchange of these assertion that the States have prisoners to the commanding no other power than that reofficer of the enemy's squadron off Charleston, served to them in the Union by the Constitubut that officer had already sent the prisoners tion. Now, one of them having ever been a to New York when application was made. I there- State of the Union, this view of the constitutional fore deemed it my duty to renew the proposal for relations between the States and the General the exchange to the constitutional commander-in- Government is a fitting introduction to another aschief of the army and navy of the United States, the sertion of the message, that the Executive possesses only officer having control of the prisoners. To power of suspending the writ of habeas corpus, and this end, I dispatched an officer to him under a flag of delegating that power to military commanders at of truce, and, in making the proposal, I informed their discretion. And both these propositions claim President Lincoln of my resolute purpose to check a respect equal to that which is felt for the addiall barbarities on prisoners of war by such severity tional statement in the same paper, that it is prop of retaliation on prisoners held by us as should seer, in order to execute the laws, that some single cure the abandonment of the practice. This com- law, made in such extreme tenderness of citizens' munication was received and read by an officer in liberty that practically it relieves more of the guilty command of the United States forces, and a message than the innocent, should to a very limited extent was brought from him by the bearer of my com- be violated. We may well rejoice that we have formunication, that a reply would be returned by Presi ever severed our connection with a Government dent Lincoln as soon as possible. I earnestly hope that thus trampled on all principles of constitutional this promised reply (which has not yet been receiv-liberty, and with a people in whose presence such ed) will convey the assurance that prisoners of war will be treated, in this unhappy contest, with that regard for humanity, which has made such conspicuous progress in the conduct of modern warfare. As measures of precaution, however, and until this promised reply is received, I still retain in close custody some officers captured from the enemy, whom it had been my pleasure previously to set at large on parole, and whose fate must necessarily depend on that of prisoners held by the enemy. I append a copy of my communication to the President and commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the report of the officer charged to deliver my communication. There are some other passages in the remarkable paper to which I have directed your attention, having reference to the peculiar relations which exist between this Government and the States usually termed Border Slave States, which cannot properly be with held from notice. The hearts of our people are animated by sentiments towards the inhabitants of these States, which found expression in your enact ment refusing to consider them enemies, or authorize hostilities against them. That a very large portion of the people of these States regard us as brethren; that, if unrestrained by the actual presence of large armies, subversion of civil authority, and declaration of martial law, some of them, at least, would joyfully unite with us; that they are, with almost entire unanimity, opposed to the prosecution of the war waged against us, are facts of which daily recurring events fully warrant the assertion that the President of the United States refuses to recognize in these, our late sister States, the right of refraining from attack upon us, and justifies his refusal by the

avowals could be hazarded. The operations in the field will be greatly extended by reason of the policy which heretofore has been secretly entertained, and is now avowed and acted on by us. The forces hitherto raised provide amply for the defense of seven States which originally organized in the Confederacy, as is evidently the fact, since, with the exception of three fortified islands, whose defense is efficiently aided by a preponderating naval force, the enemy has been driven completely out of these stations; and now, at the expiration of five months from the formation of the Government, not a single hostile foot presses their soil. These forces, however, must necessarily prove inadequate to repel invasion by the half million of men now proposed by the enemy, and a corresponding increase of our forces will become necessary. The recommendations for the raising of this additional force will be contained in the communication of the Secretary of War, to which I need scarcely invite your earnest


"In my message delivered in April last, I referred to the promise of the abundant crops with which we were cheered. The grain crops, generally, have since been harvested, and the yield has proven to be the most abundant ever known in our history. Many believe the supply adequate to two years' consumption of our population. Cotton, sugar, tobacco, forming a surplus of the production of our agriculture, and furnishing the basis of our commercial interchange, present the most cheering promises ever known. Providence has smiled on the labor which extracts the teeming wealth of our soil in all parts of our Confederacy.

"It is the more gratifying to be able to give you

Davis' Message.

this, because, in need of large | singularly, viz: its disingenuousness and its and increased expenditure, in duplicity-the first, in imputing treachery to the President, rapine to his armies and undue tyranny to the Executiveduplicity in its tenor and tone, evidently designed to impress the mind of Europe and thus to expedite the hoped-for recognition of the Slave Confederacy. If it answered any direct purpose, its first effect was to inspire the Northern mind with disgust; while the charge of rapine laid upon our soldierywhose special study had been to punish the rebels with the least possible injury to their fine "sense of honor" and their "sacred" rights*-certainly did not incite particular regard for orders which compelled them to respect rebel property, even to leaving their cornfields untouched. Unionists in the South learned, at an early day of the revolution, that they had no rights of person or property which the Confederates were bound to respect; yet, the very persons who treated Unionists with brutal severity, and inflicted all the rigors of an unfeeling law, were those who clamored against Federal cruelty!

support of our army, elevated and purified by a sacred cause, they maintain that our fellow citizens, of every condition of life, exhibit most

self-sacrificing devotion. They manifest a laudable pride of upholding their independence, unaided by

any resources other than their own, and the im

mense wealth which a fertilized and genial climate has accumulated in this Confedoracy of agriculturists, could not be more strongly displayed than in the large revenues which, with eagerness, they have contributed at the call of their country. In the single article of cotton, the subscriptions to the loan proposed by the Government cannot fall short of fifty millions of dollars, and will probably exceed that sum; and scarcely an article required for the consumption of our army is provided otherwise than by subscription to the produce loan, so happily devised by your wisdom. The Secretary of the Treasury, in his report submitted to you, will give

you the amplest details connected with that branch of the public service; but it is not alone in their, prompt pecuniary contributions that the noble race of freemen who inhabit these States evidence how worthy they are of those liberties which they so well know how to defend. In numbers far exceeding those authorized by your laws, they have pressed the tender of their services against the enemy. Their attitude of calm and sublime devotion to their

country, the cool and confident courage with which they are already preparing to meet the invasion, in

whatever proportions it may assume; the assurance that their sacrifices and their services will be renewed from year to year with unfailing purpose, until they have made good to the uttermost their rights to self-government; the generous and almost unequivocal confidence which they display in their Government during the pending struggle, all combine to present a spectacle, such as the world has rarely, if ever, seen. To speak of subjugating such a people, so united and determined, is to speak in a language incomprehensible to them; to resist attack on their rights or their liberties is with them an instinct. Whether this war shall last one, or three, or five years, is a problem they leave to be solved by the enemy alone. It will last till the enemy shall have withdrawn from their borders;

till their political rights, their altars, and their homes are freed from invasion. Then, and then only, will they rest from this struggle, to enjoy, in peace, the blessings which, with the favor of Providence, they have secured by the aid of their own strong hearts and steady arms."

The Case of the


Among the documents submitted with the Message were the papers regarding the mission of Colonel Taylor to Washington. As they probably exerted some influence in modifying the Federal Government's proceedings against the captured privateers, we may here recur to them. Mr. Lincoln's proclamation of blockade of April 19th, 1861, declared, "that if any person, under the pretended authority of said (Confed erate) States, or under any other pretense, shall molest a vessel of the United States, or the persons and cargo on board of her, such person will be held amenable to the laws of the United States for the prevention and punishment of piracy." This declaration was simply a consequent of the denial to the Confederates of the status of a belligerent power: if they had no rights on the high seas, as such power, then their seizure of vessels sailing

*It is one of the anomalies of the war that men in open insurrection should have been accorded rights of property, of person and of transit. If the South was in insurrection its citizens were rebels, and, by all the laws and usages of nations, rebels had no po

This document was characterized by two features which impressed the Northern mind | litical and only qualified personal rights.

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