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The Missouri State

troubles as will secure peace,
rights, and equality to all the

"Resolved, That the people of this State are devotedly attached to the institutions of our country, and earnestly desire that, by a fair and amicable adjustment, the present causes of disagreement may be removed, the Union perpetuated, and peace and harmony be restored between the South and North. "Resolved, That the people of this State deem the amendments to the Constitution of the United States proposed by Mr. Crittenden, with the extension of the same to Territories hereafter to be acquired, a basis of adjustment which will successfully remove the causes of difference forever from the arena of national politics.


Resolved, That the people of Missouri believe that the peace and quiet of the country will be promoted by a Convention to propose amendments

to the Constitution of the United States; and that

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The majority resolutions of the Committee on Federal Relations, as above quoted, were debated up to March 22d, and adopted, with some slight modifications—the amendments rather toning down the elements of the originals to a spirit more in consonance with true Union sentiment. The Convention adjourned March 22d, leaving the revolutionary Legislature still in session. Gov. Jackson was thoroughly displeased at the want of sympathy shown Secession by the people's delegates to the Convention; and that restless coadjutor of the conspirators immediately began to concert ways for betraying his State in spite of the action of the Convention. The St. Louis Republican,one of the most inevitably plunge the country into civil war, and fluential papers in the Mississippi Valley editthereby extinguish all hope of an amicable settle-ed in behalf of the Slave interest, gave this ment of the issues now pending. résumé of the Convention's proceedings:

this Convention urges the Legislature of this State to take steps for calling this Convention.


Resolved, That in the opinion of this Convention, the employment of military force by the Federal Government to coerce the Seceding States, or the employment of force by the Seceding States to assail the Government of the United States, will in

"We therefore earnestly entreat the Federal Government as well as the Seceding States, to stay the arm of military power, and on no pretense whatever bring upon the nation the horrors of civil war.

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Resolved, That a Committee be elected, a majority of which shall have power to convene the Convention at such time and place prior to the third Monday in December, as the exigencies may require."

Mr. Redd, while indorsing the spirit and words of the majority, still did not approve of the plan of adjustment proposed, and asked leave to present a minority report on the following Monday.

A correspondent, writing of the relative character of the Convention and Legislature, said: "The Union feeling in the Convention is strong; none admitting themselves to be Secessionists, but most of them avowing sympathy with the South, and quite ready to denounce the North. The Executive is a violent and avowed Secessionist, and though

"The voice of Missouri has been spoken through the Convention called for that purpose. That voice pronounced that further concessions should be made with a view to the restoration of the Union of the States, and, definitely, that these concessions should have the Crittenden resolutions for their basis.

"That voice declares that a reunion would be im periled by the use of force on the part of the Federal Government, against the people of the Seceded States, and specially advises that Federal troops be withdrawn from the States where collision threatens.

Firm and steady in its expression, it declares for a National Convention, in the hope that its deliberations may result in measures which will secure that object.

"The same voice consistently pronounced that there is at present no adequate cause for retiring

Missouri in Secession, even in the event that the from the Union, and refuses at this time to pledge rest of the Border States secede, or that no plan of adjustment will be acceded to by the North.

"The inference to be drawn from the action of

the Convention is, that Missouri is in favor of every reasonable mode of adjustment calculated to call back the Seceding States, and, in default of obtaining

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Sworn delegates, viz., Hamilton B. Gamble, John B. Henderson, Wm. A. Hall, James H. Moss, Wm. Douglas, Littlebury Hendricks, and Wm. G. Pomeroy, were chosen to the Border State Convention, proposed in the 4th resolution of the series reported and adopted.

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such vote is to be regarded
as instructing the Conven-
tion to pass an act of im-
mediate secession, and the Convention is at
once to pass such an ordinance; but if a ma-
jority of all the votes shall be cast for 'co-
operation,' then the Convention is imme-
diately to take such steps as may be deemed
proper to further cooperation with the Bor-
der or unseceded Slave States, in efforts to
secure a permanent and satisfactory adjust-
ment of the existing sectional controversy."


Outside, as well as inside, pressure, was The revolutionary leaders had counted brought to bear on members of the Convenupon Missouri and Arkansas as certain for tion by those laboring in behalf of the their schemes, but had, evidently, been mis- interests of the Confederate States. taken in the means employed, which were anxiety of the chiefs of the new Government, not proportioned to the ends. Arkansas, to include Arkansas in their dominion, to however, was so wholly within the atmosphere make her bear her burden of the conflict for of a Slave dominion, and was so closely the "defence of Southern rights," may be identified in interest with the Confederate seen in this appeal made by President Davis States, that her secession was but a question to the Convention, to which he dispatched of time. In the previous chapter we have a special commissioner: adverted to the result of her Convention, but may here refer to its special proceedings more specifically, to show the actual nature of the public sentiment of the State, during March.

The Arkansas State

The Convention discussed the Ordinance of Secession for thirteen days, when it was rejected, by a vote of 35 ayes to 39 nays. This instrument, had it been adopted, was to have been submitted to the people for their sanction. The rejection of the Ordinance was so far reconsidered, that, after two days further sitting, the Convention adopted an act, providing for an election throughout the State on the 1st Monday in August following, at which the people were to vote on the question of "cooperation" or “secession;" also, another Ordinance, in the form of a resolution, providing for the sending of five Commissioners to a Conference of the Border States, proposed to be held at Frankfort (Kentucky) on the 27th of May, with a view to endeavor to effect an adjustment of the pending troubles. The Convention then adjourned to the 17th of August.

The Ordinance provided, in its 5th section, that, "if a majority of the votes (cast at the election named) shall be for 'secession,' then

"MONTGOMERY, Alabama, March

9th, 1861.

"To the President of the Convention of Arkansas:



SIR-The Government of the Confederate States of America having an earnest desire that the State of Arkansas should unite her destinies with ours, I have been authorized to appoint, and do hereby ap. point, Williamson S. Oldham, a delegate in the Confederate Congress from the State of Texas, as special Commissioner of this Government to the State of Arkansas. And I have the honor to introduce him to you, and to ask for him a reception and treatment corresponding to his station and to the

purposes for which he is sent. These purposes he will more fully explain to you.

"I have learned with great satisfaction that you and the body over which you are called to preside have assembled for the purpose of taking into consideration your relations to the Government of the United States. Feeling that we have common interests, common wrongs, and common dangers, we cordially invite you to unite with us, and adopt the only mode of redress which, in our judgment, will secure our future tranquillity and safety-separation from the United States.

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which were counted in open Convention, with the following result, in the aggregate:

For Secession....
Against Secession.



Majority for Secession...... 23,559

On the announcement being made, the President, the Hon. O. M. Roberts, pronounced Texas a free and independent State. A fervent prayer was then

critical moment (March 16th) when the fate of the proposed Ordinance of Secession hung in the balance. The vote taken on the 18th, as recorded above, rejecting the Ordinance, (35 to 39,) proves the Union sentiment to have been stronger than sympathy for the Davis Confederacy. Where Messrs. Rust and Hindman were, during the contest in the Convention, we are not informed. Doubtless the pol-offered by the Hon. and Rev. Mr. Maxey, a member itic Rust preferred to await the free expressions of the people, as represented by their delegates; then, in event of the rejection of an immediate act of secession, to propose the 66 'compromise"-which, it will be seen, succeeded-of a vote in August. He would see to it that that vote should be polled as would then seem most propitious for his schemes and the interests of his State. In all his ambitions, Mr. Rust really entertained an earnest purpose to promote the ascendency of

his State.

The Revolution in

of the Convention, after which the Lone Star flag was hoisted upon the dome of the capitol, and greeted by salvos of artillery. The count will be kept open until the 15th inst., by which time the re

maining (fifty) counties will have sent up their returns. The result will not be materially changed in

any other way than the increasing of the majority

for Secession."

True to the precedent established by the usurpations of other Conventions, the Texas Convention remained in session after the Ordinance of Secession was promulgated, and proceeded to legislate in utter disregard of Affairs in Texas, during the Legislature. Governor Houston refused March, assumed several reto recognize the legislative or executive funcmarkable phases. The tions of the body, elected, at best, in the State was in process of a revolution, not only most irregular and unauthorized manner. against the United States, but also against He considered the authority of the Convenits own Constitution and State authorities; tion-be that what it was-to have ceased while the disbanding of the Federal army, with the passage of the Ordinance of Secesthrough the treason of General Twiggs, and sion. In his communication to the usurping the seizure and occupation of the United delegates, he refused to acknowledge their States posts by the suddenly created military authority in further legislation-telling them power, under general command of Colonel that the Legislature would attend to their Ben McCullough, added not a little to the own business. He gave his views, at some excitement and disorder prevailing. Through-length; in the communication to the Convenout the entire State the spirit of lawlessness and insurrection existed long before the vote on secession, ordered by the "bogus" Convention, had been taken. A love of disorder seemed to animate the people; and, though the United States had sacrificed millions in money to secure the prosperity and safety of the Texan people, the obligation was made the theme of curses instead of thanks. Such was Texan honor-fitly embodied in that precipitate of impudence, Louis T. Wigfall.

The Texas State Convention.

A dispatch from Austin, dated March 4th, made the following announcements: "The first business in the Convention to-day was the counting of the vote of the people for and against Becession. Eighty-four counties had sent up returns,

tion, favoring a new Convention to amend the State Constitution, and opposing any scheme for blending Texan nationality with the Southern Confederacy.

This "rebellion" of the old Governor ex

cited the delegates greatly. They proceeded, at once, to inform "Old San Jacinto" of their supreme power over Governor and Legislature, and promised to consummate the union of Texas and the Southern Confederacy at as early a day as possible.* The Convention proceeded to pass an Act of Al

*Texas was already represented in the Montgomery Congress. [See page 335, Vol. I.] Before the State was out of the Union by the provisions of its own Ordinance, delegates were sent to the Montgomery Congress and admitted to seats!





legiance, by which Governor Houston and all officers of the State were to take a new oath to support the Confederate Government and to carry out all ordinances of the State Convention. Governor Houston immediately left Austin, to avoid further conference with the Convention. It was determined to depose him in event of his refusal to subscribe to the oath.

ence was great; but, worn with illness, and seeing the impossibility of anything like successful resistance to the impetuous course of events, the patriotic old man bowed to the tyranny and withdrew to private life, to witness a state of affairs which must have made him weep tears of blood. The Legislature endorsing the acts of the Convention acknowledged its supremacy. The reign of tyrranny was complete. Texas, baptized in the blood of heroes, and lifted from the dust by the United States Government, passed her birthright into the keeping of dishonored

On the 20th March an ordinance was passed deposing the old Governor; also calling upon the Secretary of State to account for his refusal to appear, as did the other State officers, before the Convention, to take the oath of allegiance. Lieut.-Gov. Clark was soon installed as Governor, while the Secretary of State was made to give up his seal of office and the records. This deposition it was thought Gov. Houston would resist by calling out the military, over whom his influ- outraged parent.

sons, to become a reproach among men of honor. She nursed at the Union's affluent breast until she became strong; then she spurned her benefactor, and would have stabbed the bosom of her life, had there not been strong arms to shield the



Confirmation of the

THE Scnate was conven- ators from the Seceded States, was apportioned ed in extra session, Tues the chair on all the Standing Committees, as day, March 5th, to consider follows: Foreign Relations, Mr. Sumner; Fithe appointments of the new Administration. | nance, Mr. Fessenden; Commerce, Mr. ChandThe first communication from the President ler; Military Affairs, Mr. Wilson; Naval was received at 5 P.M., announcing the nominations to his Cabinet, [see page 490, Vol. I.] all of whom were confirmed, unanimously, except Messrs. Bates and Blair. These gentlemen, being from Slave States, were opposed by a few of the radical Southern Senators, on the ground that no Southern man ought to find a place in a Republican Cabinet.

Affairs, Mr. Hale; Judiciary, Mr. Trumbull; Post-office, Mr. Collamer; Public Lands, Mr. Harlan; Private Land Claims, Mr. Harris; Indian Affairs, Mr. Doolittle; Pensions, Mr. Foster; Revolutionary Claims, Mr. King; Claims, Mr. Clark; District of Columbia, Mr. Grimes; Patents, Mr. Simmons; Public Buildings, Mr. Foot; TerOn the 6th, the Commit-ritories, Mr. Wade; To Audit Expenses of tee Chairmanships were an- Senate, Mr. Dixon; Printing, Mr. Anthony; nounced by the Vice-Presi- Enrolled Bills, Mr. Bingham; Engrossed dent. The dominant party being in the ma- Bills, Mr. Baker. jority, owing to the withdrawal of the Sen

The Standing Committee Chairmanships.

This was the first instance, in the history

of the country, wherein the North had received a majority of the chairmanships. The Senate, from the formation of the Government up to 1860, was under the control of the South-so much so as to become recognized as the "Southern House." The South only thought of a disseverance of the Union when it found the uninterrupted control of the Senate about to pass from it. The admission of Kansas, Oregon, and Minnesota, and the early coming in of Nebraska, threw the numerical scale to the North, in the Senate, as the popular voice had thrown the representation in the House. The power of the South, as a section, was indeed gone, and a new Confederacy was conceived by the defeated leaders to be their only remedy if they would remain in power.

The President's Inaugural being called, on a motion to print it, Mr. Clingman, of North Carolina, and Wigfall, of Texas, assailed it in very strong terms, while Mr. Douglas, in an unexpected manner, defended it. [See pages 11-15:] The demeanor of the Texan Senator, in particular, was so offensive -his speech so rank with treason and insolent in its tone-that, on Friday, March 8th, Mr. Foster, of Connecticut, introduced the following resolution :

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Whereas, Mr. Wigfall, now Senator of the United States from Texas, has declared in debate that he is a foreigner, and owes no allegiance to this Government, but to a State and foreign Government therefore,


Resolved, That Louis C. Wigfall be expelled from this body."

Mr. Clingman moved to amend Mr. Foster's resolution by striking out all after the word "whereas," and insert, "It is understood that the State of Texas has seceded from the Union, and is no longer one of the United States; therefore, be it

"Resolved, That Texas is not entitled to be represented in this body."

The Texan not being in his seat, the resolution was allowed to pass over. The introduction of the resolution created considerable excitement, particularly among the Northern Democrats, as they would, on the vote, be compelled to go upon the record in the matter of treason. Thus far in the year they had succeeded in dodging the re

sponsibilities of votes which might array them clearly and definitively with the North, and they, doubtless, preferred that it should be so to the end of the session; but this resolution, if pressed, would compel a general "showing of hands."

Foster us. Wigfall.

On Monday, March 11th, the consideration of the resolution was resumed, when Foster supported it in a speech of much decision, while Clingman, Hunter, and Mason all sought to shield the Senator from expulsion. Their own fate was foreshadowed in the rule which should apply to Wigfall. Foster's argument for the expulsion was based on purely Constitutional grounds. The declaration of the Senator that he did not owe allegiance to the United States Government disqualified him for holding a seat in the Senate. The substance of his argument was thus reported:

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The substitute of the Senator from North Carolina assumes that Texas has a right to secede, and it was a logical conclusion that in such event she had no right to seats here. In this he differed from the Senator. He did not believe any State has the right or power under the Constitution to secede or take itself out of the Union of the States which go to make up those of America. He differed widely and radically from such theories. It was altogether monstrous that this Government, one of power and authority, could be dissolved. Argument, therefore, was unnecessary with those who held to a different opinion. Two men might as well undertake to reason in a foreign language which one understood and the other did not. That no such thing as Secession was known to the Constitution, was too plain to argue or admit of a doubt. After a brief argument on this point, he said, whether Texas has seceded he was not informed. He meant by a vote of the people, or some body representing them. He should hold that the Senator was entitled to his seat for all that, on sound constitutional grounds. Could that State, by withdrawing from the Union, withdraw him from this body? No. He is entitled to his seat according to the forms of the Constitution and the

authority of his State, and the State has no power legally or constitutionally to withdraw him from this body during the term for which he was elected. He did not think the substitute met the question. He did not know what right the Senator (Clingman)

had to say that Texas has seceded from the Confederacy of the States and no longer belongs to the United States, but even if there were official notice it would be a nullity. If a State has withdrawn and

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