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The Fremont-Price "Treaty."

One of Hunter's first acts, after assuming command, was to repudiate the proposed "treaty" between Fremont and Price, regarding the conduct of the war in Missouri, which was then only awaiting the rebel General's signature to become effective. The document, though properly belonging to the history of Fremont's "Hundred Days," is here given to indicate the policy adopted by the new directors of affairs. This important and rather novel arrangement between belligerents was as follows:

"Whereas, Major-General Sterling Price, commanding the Missouri State Guard, by letter dated at his headquarters near Neosho, Missouri, October 26th, 1861, has expressed a desire to enter into some arrangement with Major-General John C. Fremont, commanding the forces of the United States, to facilitate the future exchange of prisoners of war released to parole; also, that all persons heretofore arrested for the mere expression of political opinions, may be released from confinement or parole; also, that in future the war be confined exclusively to the armies in the field, and has authorized and empowered Major Henry W. Williams and D. Robert Barclay, Esqs., to enter into such an arrangement in his behalf;

“And whereas, Major-General John C. Fremont concurs with Major-General Price;

"Now, therefore, It is hereby stipulated and agreed by and between Major-General John C. Fremont and Major General Sterling Price, as follows, to wit:

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The Fremont-Price "Treaty."

"1. No arrests whatever on account of political opinions, or for the merely private expression of the same, shall hereafter be made within the limits of the State of Missouri, and all persons who may have been arrested, and are now held to answer upon such charges only, shall be forthwith released. But it is expressly declared that nothing in this proclamation shall be construed to bar or interfere with any of the usual and regular proceedings of the established courts and statutes and orders made and provided for such offenses.

"2. All peaceably disposed citizens who may have been driven from their homes because of their political opinions, or who may have left them from fear of force and violence, are hereby advised and permitted to return, upon the faith of our positive assurances, that while so returning they shall receive protection from both armies in the field, whenever it can be given.

"3. All bodies of armed men acting without the authority or recognition of the Major-Generals before named, and not legitimately connected with the armies in the field, are hereby ordered at once to disband.

"4. Any violation of either of the foregoing articles shall subject the offender to the penalty of military law, according to the nature of the offense.

"In testimony whereof, the aforesaid John Charles Fremont, at Springfield, Missouri, on the first day of November, A. D. 1861, and Major-General Sterl ing Price, at -, on this day of Novem. ber, A. D. 1861, have hereunto set their hands, and hereby mutually pledge their earnest efforts to the enforcement of the above articles of agreement, according to their full tenor and effect, to the best of their ability.


Second Brigadier-General Samuel R. Curtis, or the officer in command at Benton Barracks, is hereby authorized and empowered to represent Major-General Fremont; and Colonel D. H. Arm

"To all peaceably disposed citizens of the State of Mis-strong, Honorable J. Richard Barrett and Colonel

souri, greeting:

Robert M. Renick, or either of them, are hereby authorized and empowered to represent Major-General Price; and the parties so named are hereby author.

"Whereas, A solemn agreement has been entered into by Major - Generals Fremont and Price, respectively commanding antagonistic forces in the❘ized, whenever applied to for that purpose, to negoState of Missouri, to the effect, that in future arrests tiate for the exchange of any and all persons who or forcible interference by armed or unarmed par may hereafter be taken prisoners of war and releas ties of citizens within the limits of said State for the ed on parole; such exchanges to be made upon the mere entertainment or expression of political opin-plan heretofore approved and acted upon, to wit: ions, shall hereafter cease; that families now broken up for such cause may be reunited, and that the war now progressing shall be exclusively confined to armies in the field; therefore, be it known to all whom it may concern

grade for grade, or two officers of lower grade as an equivalent in rank for one of a higher grade, as shall be thought just and equitable.

"Thus done and agreed at Springfield, Missouri, this first day of November, 1861.

Hunter's Reasons for

Rejecting it.

"There are many more objections quite as pow.

Hunter wrote to Price, November 7th, in- | act of Congress, and who, it forming him that, as General commanding, would be claimed, are therehe (Hunter) would in no manner recognize fore 'not legitimately conthe above agreement or any of its provisions, nected with the armies in the field.' implied or specified-that he would neither publish nor allow the issue of the "joint proclamation," purporting to have been signed, &c., &c. This nullification of one of Fre-lowing the inference to be drawn that citizens of the mont's most important acts, Hunter justified United States (the loyal and true men of Missouri) in the following terms addressed to the War are not included in its benefits. Office:

erful and obvious, which might be urged againt ratidisposed citizens of the State of Missouri,' fairly al

fying this agreement-its address to all peaceably

"In fact, the agreement would seem to me, if rati"It would be, in my judg-fied, a concession of all the principles for which the Hunter's Reasons for ment, impolitic in the highest rebel leaders are contending, and a practical liberaRejecting it. degree to have ratified General tion, for use in other and more immediately import Fremont's negotiations, for the following, among ant localities, of all their forces now kept employed many other, obvious reasons: in this portion of the State."

"The second stipulation, if acceded to, would render the enforcement of martial law in Missouri, or any part of it, impossible, and would give absolute liberty to the propagandists of treason through

out the length and breadth of the State.

"The third stipulation, confining operations exclusively to armies in the field,' would practically

annul the confiscation act passed during the last

session of Congress, and would furnish perfect immunity to those disbanded soldiers of Price's command, who have now returned to their homes, but with the intention and under a pledge of rejoining the rebel forces whenever called upon; and lastly, "Because the fourth stipulation would blot out of existence the loyal men of the Missouri Home Guard, who have not, it is alleged,been recognized by

What with the President's suspension of Fremont's manumission proclamation-wit Hunter's suspension of Fremont's campaign, and his repudiation of the "treaty" with Price with Halleck's order banishing all runaway slaves from his lines - Fremont's procedure in Missouri must be pronounced a gigantic failure. Yet, the historian will have to write, that, in all important respects, the Administration had to conform to Fremont's ideas ere one year was past. Fremont's errors would, thence, appear to have been in anticipating the Administration— errors of construction rather than errors of fact.












The Location of

The Location of

THE disposition of forces | position, which extends in Kentucky made by Gen- from Bowling Green on his eral W. T. Sherman, during left through the centre in his brief command in the Department of the Barren county to his right recently at BurksCumberland, were such as the exigency seem- ville. The Union armies are advancing slowly ed to require. The rebels had the vantage but surely. General Crittenden has had his ground. Not until after November 15th, did headquarters at Morgantown, in Butler county, Buckner retire to the south side of Green with such gallant spirits as Colonels Jackson, river and draw in his lines toward Bowling McHenry and Burbridge. General McCook Green. The battle of Wild Cat (Oct. 20th) will soon be at Munfordsville, on the Green gave General Schoepff such a position as soon river, at which point he can cross whenever compelled the evacuation of Barboursville- it is desirable, and General Schopff is clearing Zollicoffer retiring in much discomfiture to- away the rebels who have recently ravaged wards Cumberland Gap, at which point he the valley of the Cumberland." This well inknew the Federals were aiming. The Louis-dicates the line of advance. The entire arville Journal of Nov. 6th, said: "The dispo- rangement was made with reference to forcsition of the three divisions of our Union ing every rebel battalion from Kentucky soil, troops may be briefly stated: General Crit- leaving to Grant the work of dealing with tenden commands the Western division, Gen- General Polk and the Columbus defenses. eral McCook the centre, and General Thomas This extension of the lines, however, required the Eastern, while General Sherman super- a force equivalent to the strength of three vises the whole. In the West Colonel Bur- armies, since the Confederates, by a rapid bridge has advanced as far as Woodbury, at concentration, might fall upon any one of the confluence of the Big Barren with Green the divisions to its destruction, should it river, about fifteen miles on the left flank of prove weak. Sherman bent all his energies Buckner's position at Bowling Green. In the to the single point of securing his positions centre our troops have gone beyond Nolin, —a labor that cost him his command, excitand taken position at Bacon Creek, which is ing, as it did, so many personal and public not more than six or seven miles from Mun-antagonisms, as to render the presence of fordsville, on the Green river. The Western another director necessary. The story of division has received orders to march from Sherman's Kentucky campaign illustrates Mount Vernon, the intended route being one of the features of the Union campaigns through Pulaski towards Cumberland, from which accounts for many a sin of omission whence Staunton has just fallen back. Thus and commission-the bickerings and rivalour troops are converging upon the enemy's ries among officers amounting to absolute

ruin of many a weil ordered step. That | long had been secretly or-
Sherman fully comprehended the work in ganized and when inform-
hand, it took but a few months to demon-ed of the approach of the
strate; and the abandonment of his well con-
ceived advance into East Tennessee will stand
as one of the most melancholy and inexcusa-
ble shortcomings of the entire struggle.

The Advance on
East Tennessee.

The Union Uprising

in East Tennessee.

Federal army, they prepared to strike for their deliverance. Late in October Captains Fry and Carter, refugees from Tennessee, but then in the Union advance column, passed in disguise over the mountains and conferred with leading citizens at a secret gathering held near Knoxville. Over one hundred persons were present, most of them being well known and influential men. The messen

That the rebels were keenly alive to the danger of an advance into East Tennessee, appeared as well in the tone of their press as in their great efforts to stay the progress of Schopff and Nelson. The Rich-gers represented that Zollicoffer would be asmond journals were loud in their demands for assistance against the enemy in that quarter, and early in November had the pleasure of announcing that General Sidney A. Johnston would direct, in person, the campaign against Thomas. Nelson's sudden dash at Prestonburg [Nov. 5–7] and the rapid retreat up the Big Sandy river of the rebel General, John S. Williams-the repulse of the latter near Piketon and his retreat to Pound Gap -gave the Confederates every reason for alarm, since all that portion of Western Virginia south of the Great Kenawha river was then open for the Union advance in that direction. A Richmond paper of November 14th, said:

sailed and driven from Cumberland Gapthat, in order to prevent his rapid reenforcement, it would be necessary to burn bridges on the railways leading south and east of Knoxville-that their destruction being complete, the Federal forces would soon so occupy the State, or that portion of it represented at the Greenville Convention [see pages 296-98] as to free it from Confederate rule. Acting upon these representations the Unionists decided upon arrangements for the work in hand. Parties were organized, numbering from fifteen to twenty-five resolute men each. Properly provided with combustibles, they proceeded, with great caution, to the several bridges chosen for destruction. On the night of November 10th, Letween the hours of ten and eleven, the air was lit by the glare of the conflagration of four heavy railway structhe firing being simultaneous, and the detures. The work was admirably managed— struction perfect. The bridges rendered useless were: that over Hiwasse river at Charleston, on the East Tennessee and Georgia railroad; that over Lick creek and the work spanning the Holston river at Union-both on the East Tennessee and Virginia road; So Sherman appeared to think. He evi- two trustles crossing the Chickamingo creek dently proposed to make a strong demonstra-eight miles from Chattanooga, on the Westtion in that direction. Nelson's advanee completely banished the invaders from Eastern Kentucky, leaving his column at liberty to move against Pound Gap, or to co-operate in the movement for the relief and release of

No government can afford to let such a population as this be overrun, or to lose a district from which so many of its best soldiers are supplied. Intrinsically important as Southwestern Virginia is to

the Government, from the qualities of its people, it

is even more important from its geographical position. If that country be given up, and East Tennessee be in consequence lost, the empire of the South is cut in twain, and we become a fragmentary organization, fighting in scattered and segregated localities for a cause which can no longer boast the important attribute of geographical unity.”

East Tennessee.

The people of the section of the Confederacy lying around Knoxville were aroused to a state of mingled hope and enthusiasm at the promise of early relief. The Unionists

ern and Atlantic road. The telegraph lines also were destroyed between Knoxville and Chattanooga, and Knoxville and Bristol, Captain Fry superintended the burning of Lick creek bridge. That work was guarded by six soldiers, who were overpowered but were released after taking the oath of alle giance to the United States, swearing by the Bible—a copy of which was carried along for that very service. Of course the rebels broke

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The Union Uprising in East Tennessee.

This daring act greatly excited the Confederate authorities. For a few days the most lively apprehensions existed in regard to conspiracies, uprisings and rebellion; but, when it was seen that nothing further than bridge burning occurred, and rebel troops were thrown rapidly into that section, assurance took the place of fear. The rivets in the manacles placed on Union wrists were tightened, and, as their helplessness became more apparent, so the cruelty of their tormentors increased, until few men were strong hearted enough to avow a love for the old Union. The Memphis Appeal of November 10th, wrote:

"This insurrection, however, while comparatively harmless from its being premature, gives evidence of a deep laid plot among a few of the most reckless traitors of that region to resist the sovereign voice of the people of the State by force of arms, so soon as they have hope of assistance from the Lincoln despotism. It is fortunate that it has occurred at the present time, when we are fully able to put a lasting quietus upon it, from which no appliances of future Federal aid will ever be able to resuscitate. We now have an open foe to conquer, who is rendered impotent by the very disclosure of his hostility-and not less so by his isolation."

Truly said. The "foe" was rendered impotent by his isolation, and his very helplessness was but a prelude to punishments at which human nature revolts.* But what baseness directed the paragraph! "To resist the sovereign voice of the people"! The journalist who uttered the libel falsified because he dare not do otherwise. The entire Confederate cause was built upon just such departures from honor and truth. The "sovereign voice of the people," as declared in the last election then held in East Tennessee,

* See Parson Brownlow's book for details of the sufferings experienced by the few who would not recant their loyalty. His statements are confirmed by much official and personal testimony.

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Rebel Persecutions.

was, on the question of secession or no secession, thirty-two thousand nine hundred and twenty-two for the Union-being a majority of over eighteen thousand votes against secession. That was the "voice of the people," expressed even in the face of Confederate muskets. It is well the record exists, to live as a blasting witness against those ministers of misrule who desecrated the name of American by their crimes in Tennessee.

The act was premature. It resulted disastrously, in calling down upon loyalists the full rigor of Confederate law and filling that section with rebel troops to such a number as rendered the Federal advance one of peril. It aroused Governor Harris to renewed vigilance in the cause of persecution. Under the guise of a call for arms to fit troops for the field, he issued a proclamation (Nov. 12th) by which East Tennesseeans were very generally disarmed and rendered all the more helpless. November 14th he issued another proclamation calling out the militia to the number of thirty thousand "to repel the invader," ordering the conscripts to be ready for marching orders by the 25th of November. Under this order about twelve thousand men were placed in the Confederate ranks-temporarily as they supposed, but permanently as the Confederate leaders designed. It was not the only instance during the war where the militia of the Southern States were impressed after having once been put in the field.

The spirit of Confederate mercy was made public in proclamations as well as in acts of violence, which spared no citizen of loyal sentiments. One Daniel Leadbetter, "Colonel Commanding" at Greenville and vicinity, issued a manifesto, December 4th, from which we quote:

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