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MR. STEPHENS' EXPOSITION.
in having a co-operation with our Border sister | But, if we become divided-if schisms arise-if dis-
Mr. Stephens' Exposition.
The speaker then congratulated the Southern people that the revolution had been bloodless, and promised so to be —a statement which he felt constrained to make, in order to throw the responsibility of hostilities upon the Federal authorities, and thus to render the cause of the South just in the eyes of the conservative classes. He said: "I was not without grave and serious apprehension, that, if the worst came to the worst, and cutting loose from the old Government would be the only remedy for our safety and security, it would
be attended with much more serious ills than it has been, as yet. Thus far we have seen none of those incidents which usually attend revolutions. such material as such convulsions usually throw up, have been seen. Wisdom, prudence, and pat
riotism have marked every step of our progress thus far. This augurs well for the future, and it is a matter of sincere gratification to me that I am enabled to make the declaration. Of the men I met in the Congress at Montgomery (I may be pardoned for saying this) an abler, wiser, a more conservative, deliberate, determined, resolute and patriotic body of men, I never met in my life. Their works speak for them; the provisional government speaks for them; the Constitution of the permanent government will be a lasting monument of their worth, merit, and statesmanship. "But, to return to the question of the future:
What is to be the result of this revolution? Will
everything, commenced so well, continue as it has begun! In reply to this anxious inquiry, I can only say, all depends upon ourselves. A young man starting out in life on his majority, with health, talent, and ability, under a favoring Providence, may be said to be the architect of his own fortunes. His destinies are in his own hands. He may make for himself a name of honor or dishonor, according to his own acts. If he plants himself upon truth, integrity, honor, and uprightness, with industry, patience, and energy, he cannot fail of success. So it is with us; we are a young Republic, just entering upon the arena of nations; we will be the architect of our own fortunes. Our destiny, under Providence, is in our own hands. With wisdom, prudence, and statesmanship on the part of public men, and intelligence, virtue, and patriotism on the part of the people, success to the full measure of our most sanguine hopes, may be looked for.
"We have intelligence, and virtue, and patriotism. All that is required is to cultivate and perpetuate these. Intelligence will not do without virtue. France was a nation of philosophers. These philosophers became Jacobins. They lacked that virtue, that devotion to moral principle, and that patriotism which is essential to good government. Organized upon principles of perfect justice and right-seeking amity and friendship with all other powers-I see no obstacle in the way of our upward and onward progress. Our growth, by accessions from other States, will depend greatly upon whether we present to the world, as I trust we shall, a better government than that to which they belong. If we do this, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas cannot hesitate long; neither can Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri. They will necessarily gravitate to us by an imperious law. We made ample provision in our Constitution for the admission of other States; it is more guarded, and wisely so,
I think, than the old Constitution on the same subject, but not too guarded to receive them as fast as may be proper. Looking to the distant future, and perhaps not very distant either, it is not beyond the range of possibility, and even probability, that all the great States of the North-west shall gravitate this way, as well as Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Arkansas, &c. Should they do so, our doors are wide enough to receive them, but not until they are ready to assimilate with us in principle."
As to the prospect of an open rupture with the North, and civil war, he said:
"The prospect of war is, at least, not so threatening as it has been. The idea of coercion shadowed forth by Mr. Lincoln in his Inaugural, seems not to be followed up, thus far, so vigorously as was expected. Fort Sumter, it is believed, will soon be evacuated. What course will be pursued toward Fort Pickens and the other forts on the Gulf, is not so well understood. It is to be greatly desired that all of them should be surrendered. Our object is peace, not only with the North, but with the world. All matters relating to the public property, public liabilities of the Union, when we were members of it, we are ready and willing to adjust and settle, upon the principles of right, equality, and good faith. War can be of no more benefit to the North than to us. The idea of coercing us, or subjugating us, is
Mr. Stephens' Exposition.
utterly preposterous. Whether the intention of evacuating Fort Sumter is to be received as an evidence of a desire for a peaceful solution of our difficulties with the United States, or the result of
Mr. Stephens' Expo
do so. The Constitution makes
necessity, I will not undertake to say. I would fain he barely made the following suggestion:
hope the former. Rumors are afloat, however, that
it is the result of necessity. All I can say to you, therefore, on that point is, keep your armor bright and your powder dry.
"The surest way to secure peace is to show your ability to maintain your rights. The principles and position of the present Administration of the United States-the Republican party-present some puzzling questions. While it is a fixed principle with them never to allow the increase of a foot of slave territory, they seem to be equally determined not to part with an inch of the "accursed soil." Notwith
"That as the admission of States by Congress under the Constitution was an act of legislation, and in the nature of a contract or compact between the States admitted and the others admitting, why should not this contract or compact be regarded as of like character with all other civil contracts--liable to be rescinded by mutual agreement of both parties? The seceding States have rescinded it on their part. Why cannot the whole question be settled, if the North desire peace, simply by the Congress in both branches, with the concurrence of the President,
standing their clamor against the institution, they giving their consent to the separation, and a recog
seem to be equally opposed to getting more, or letting go what they have got. They were ready to fight on the accession of Texas, and are equally ready to fight now, on her secession. Why is this? How can this strange paradox be accounted for? There seems to be but one rational solution, and that is, notwithstanding their professions of humanity, they are disinclined to give up the benefits they derive from slave labor. Their philanthropy yields to their interest. The idea of enforcing the laws has but one object, and that is a collection of the taxes raised by slave labor, to swell the fund necessary to meet their heavy appropriations. The spoils are
what they are after, though they come from the
labor of the slave. He alluded to the difficulties and embarrassments which seemed to surround the question of a peaceful solution of the controversy with the old government. How can it be done? is perplexing many minds. The President seems to think that he cannot recognize our independence, nor can he, with and by the advice of the Senate,
nition of our independence? This he merely offer ed as a suggestion-as one of the ways in which it might be done with much less violence to construc
tions of the Constitution than many other acts of that government. The difficulty has to be solved in some way or other-this may be regarded as a fixed fact."
With this exposition the Confederates were willing to rest their case. Sustaining its views, they went into battle, the aggressors and assailants; defending its assumed prerogatives, they wasted their best blood and treasure. That the sentiments
proclaimed were repulsive to the spirit of every civilized people in Christendom did not affect Southern polity and purpose: to own a "nigger" was the end and aim of every revolutionist. The Confederate Constitution was to secure and perpetuate that "inestimable privilege to every loyal Southerner."
COMMISSION. LIST OF VESSELS AND OFFICERS.
BEING THROWN INTO SUMTER.
CALLED OUT SENTIMENT TO THE
Great Naval Movements.
THE "War for the Union" may be said to have been opened, on the part of the Federal Government, by the movements in New York harbor early in April. The activity apparent in the Brooklyn navy-yard, in putting vessels into commission, was followed (April 4th) by the appropriation of the Collins ocean steamers Baltic and Atlantic to Government service. Soon the California steamer Illinois was added to the number. All of these large and swift vessels were loaded with extraordinary expedition with heavy cargoes of provisions, munitions, forage, and horses, while quarters were prepared on the Baltic for a regiment of troops. The steam frigate Powhatan, of eleven guns and three hundred men, was called into commission, and in three days' time was turned from "ordinary" into sailing condition. She put to sea on the morning of April 6th, as convoy to the Atlantic. The Harriet Lane, steam revenue cutter, of five guns and ninety-six men, had already put out of the Narrows, followed by the steam tugs Uncle Ben and Yankee. The steamer Water Witch, at the Philadelphia navy-yard, was put in commission April 5th. All these vessels acted under sealed orders, and the public could only surmise as to their destination. The steam frigates Roanoke and Wabash, the steam corvette Savannah, and the brig Perry, at the Brooklyn navy-yard, were being hurried into condition for commission. At the Boston (Charlestown) navy
yard, the steam frigates Minnesota, Mississippi, and Colorado, and the brig Bainbridge, were being hurriedly refitted. Commodore Stringham, it was understood, would assume command of the Southern Squadron,* making the Minnesota his flag-ship.
This Squadron, and its service, were determined upon as early as March 25th, at which date the orders went forth for the commissions and rendezvous. It was composed as follows:
Commander-in-Chief-Flag-Officer Silas H. Stringham. Second in Command-Flag-Officer G. J. Pendergrast.
STEAM FRIGATE MINNESOTA-FORTY GUNS.
Captain-G J. Van Brunt.
Lieutenants-Worden, Wainwright, Badger, Johnson, Fos
ter, Mitchell, Wilson.
Chief Engineer-Franklin Johnson.
FRIGATE SABINE-FIFTY GUNS.
Captain-Henry A. Adams.
Lieutenant and Executive Officer-J. R. M, Mullany. Lieutenants-George P. Welsh, Wm. H. Murdagh, Robt.
F. R. Lewis, L. H. Norman.
Acting Master--Wm. P. McCann.
Surgeon-M. G. Delaney.
SLOOP CUMBERLAND--TWENTY-FOUR GUNS.
Lieutenants-First, Alexander Murray; Second, John S. Maury; Third, James H. Rochelle; Fourth, Chas. H. Greene; Fifth, Thomas O. Selfridge. Surgeon-Thomas Dillard.
SLOOP ST. LOUIS TWENTY GUNS.
Captain-Chas. H. Poor.
Executive Officer-Lieutenant J. D. Todd.
SLOOP MACEDONIAN-TWENTY-TWO GUNS.
Lieutenants-Matthias C. Marin, Somerville Nicholson, Samuel R. Franklin, William H. Ward, Charles A. Babcock. Surgeon-William Grier.
Movement of Troops.
The movement of troops toward New York, from interior stations, added to the feverish excitement now existing in all circles. Captain Barry's artillery and two companies of the Second infantry reached Fort Lafayette on the morning of April 5th. A company of sappers and miners, and several companies of the Third infantry, were already in the fort. At Fort Hamilton four hundred and ninety-one men were quartered, ready for immediate duty. Colonel Harvey Brown, of the Second infantry, was in command, and, together with Captain Foote and Lieutenant Almy, acted with unceasing vigilance in expediting the orders of Govern
STEAM SLOOP BROOKLYN-TWENTY-FIVE GUNS.
Lieutenants James A. Doyle, J. C. Williamson, Albert W. Smith, William N. Jeffers, William Mitchell, H. A. Adams.
Surgeon-Lewis W. Minor.
Engineers Joshua Follansbee, W. B. Brooks, Marshal P. Jordan, James W. Wittaker, Henry Snyder, E. F. Mayer, Jr., John K. Neill.
STEAM SLOOP POWHATAN-ELEVEN GUNS.
Lieutenants-Egbert Thompson, Thomas C. Harris, and George Brown.
Surgeon-Joseph Wilson, Jr.
Chief Engineer-Harman Newell.
Engineers-First Assistants, Wm. J. Lamdin and James F. Lamdin; Second Assistants, J. McElmell and John Purdy; Third Assistants, William H. Gladding, E. Laws, and H. C. McIlvain.
STEAM SLOOP POCAHONTAS-FIVE GUNS.
Captain-Samuel F. Hazard.
Lieutenants-Van R. Morgan, Beverly Kennon.
Engineers-First Assistant, E. W. Manning; Third Assistants, George H. Riley, Henry Wright, and David Smith.
STEAMER WYANDOT-FIVE GUNS.
Lieutenant Commanding-Abner Read.
Lieutenants-J. R. Eggleston, J. M. Stribling.
Assistant Surgeon-Algernon S. Garnet.
Engineers-First Assistant, W. H. Cushman; Third Assist
ants, M. H. Plunkett, K. Wilson.
STEAMER HARRIET LANE-FIVE GUNS.
ment. Matters were managed with much discretion, and the public could only conjecture the destination of the troops, transports, and vessels of war.
Revolutionists to Resist.
The watchful friends of Preparations of the the South, in the North, gave full information of these preparations; while the enterprising daily journals of the metropolis vied with each other in details of proceedings, and in guesses at the truth. As a consequence, increased activity and excitement prevailed in the Confederate States. Troops were thrown into Charleston and Pensacola, in large bodies these positions being regarded as the points menaced.
STEAMER CRUSADER-EIGHT GUNS.
Lieutenant Commanding--T. A. M. Craven.
Lieutenants J. M. Duncan, J. E. Jewett, and A. E. K. Benham.
Passed Assistant Surgeon-J. W. B. Greenhom.
L. Campbell, O. H. Lackey, and J. D. Lining.
STEAMER WATER WITCH-THREE GUNS.
Lieutenant Commanding-John L. Davis. Lieutenants-Charles H. Cushman, Thomas H. Eastman. Engineers-First Assistant, Charles H. Loring; Second Assistant, Edward Scattergood; Third Assistant, Reynolds Driver.
Minnesota...... Ready for commission at Boston.
First Lieutenant-D. B. Constable; Second, H. O. Porter; Brooklyn.. .Off Fort Pickens, March 23d.
Third, J. M. Thatcher; Fourth, Horace N. Gamble.
Surgeon-J. N. Campbell.
Chief Engineer-J. R. Dryberg; First Assistant, Walter Scott; Second, C. G. Dale; Third, F. F. Pulsifer.
STEAMER MOHAWK-FIVE GUNS.
Lieutenant Commanding-James H. Strong.
Assistant Surgeon-Delavan Bloodgood.
Engineers-First Assistant, John S. Abert; Second Assistants, E L Dick, Geo. D. Emmons, and Edward C. Patten.
Crusader.......Sailed from New York, March 18th.
Mohawk ......Sailed from New York, March 18th.
diplomatic Commission of the Confederate
those at present in the fortifications, are ready to in the interregnum, will appear in their letter take the field within twenty-four hours.
"The ultimatum, siege or surrender, has not yet been sent to Major Anderson; but with the supplies sent to-day, he was notified by General Beauregard that they are the last, which is equivalent to a declaration of hostilities. This is positive.
"Troops have been ordered to rendezvous at points remote from Charleston, but within supporting distance, to watch the movements of the enemy. They move at once.
"Governor Pickens has all day been inspecting the batteries, accompanied by a portion of his Council and senior officers of the army. Everything throughout was in a state of efficiency. Bloodshed is inevitable, and if one drop is spilt, no one knows when it will end.
"A formal demand for the surrender of the fort has not been made, and may not be made at all. "For obvious reasons, the intentions of the Confederacy are involved in mystery.
to Mr. Seward, of April 9th, which was at once a plea and a declaration of hostility against the United States Government. It
read as follows:
"WASHINGTON, April 9th, 1861. "Hon. Wм. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State
of the United States, Washington: "The Memorandum [see pages 16-17] dated 'Department of State, Washington, March 15th, 1861,' has been received through the hands of Mr. J. T. Pickett, Secretary to this Commission, who, by the instructions of the undersigned, called for it on yesterday at the Department.
"In that Memorandum you correctly state the purport of the official note addressed to you by the undersigned, on the 12th ult. Without repeating the contents of that note in full, it is enough to say here that its object was to invite the Government of the United States to a friendly consideration of
"The excitement is intense, and everybody is in the relations between the United States and the fighting humor."
Lincoln's Avowal of
All doubts as to the purposes of the Federal Executive were dispelled by the arrival, at Charleston, April 8th, of Lieutenant Talbot, as a messenger from the War Department at Washington, to say that an unarmed steamer would proceed to supply Fort Sumter's garrison with provisions. The Lieutenant had previously arrived at Washington (on the morning of April 6th) as a messenger from Major Anderson, to say that, supplies of fresh food from Charleston having been cut off, the garrison would be forced to surrender at discretion, from starvation, if supplies were not thrown in, or the evacuation ordered. He returned, as stated, to Charleston to announce the determination of his Government to provision the garrison, at all hazards. That reply sounded the tocsin of war.
Before proceeding with the narrative of the remarkable military events which quickly followed, we will here close the story of the
seven States lately of the Federal Union, but now
Those relations had to be friendly or
stand to each other in the relation of good neighments, occupying contiguous territory, had to bors, each seeking their happiness and pursuing their national destinies in their own way, without interference with the other, or they had to be rival and hostile nations. The Government of the Confederate States had no hesitation in electing its choice in this alternative. Frankly and unreserved, seeking the good of the people who had intrusted them with power, in the spirit of humanity, of the Christian civilization of the age, and of that Americanism which regards the true welfare and happiness of the people, the Government of the Confederate 'States, among its first acts, commissioned the undersigned to approach the Government of the United States with the olive branch of peace, and to offer to adjust the great questions pending between them in the only way to be justified by the consciences and common sense of good men who