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We think it is impossible for an English reader to peruse with any degree of intelligence these controversial pages, without the most painful conviction that the scientific institutions of his country are utterly inadequate for the defence or promotion of its scientific interests, or for the encouragement and development of its native genius. How mortifying is the contrast between the proceedings of the Royal and Astronomical Societies of London and those of the Academy of Sciences in France; between the noble position-extreme though it be taken by the Director of the Royal Observatory of Paris, and that of the Astronomer-Royal of England-between the generous activity of the French Government and the tardy apathy of our own. Unity of feeling, of action, and of glory characterize all the proceedings of organized and endowed institutions ;-while vacillation of purpose, collision of sentiment, and the restlessness of combinations not in definite proportion, engender that physical inaction and moral imbecility which afflict every voluntary association for the advancement of science and literature.

The injury done to Mr. Adams by the institutions of his country will not be easily repaired. Local honours may gather thick around him,* and restore him to his right position among the great men who do honour to his University, and those who in other localities assist them in sustaining the scientific honour of their country;-but it is only by an act of true liberality on the part of the Government;-it is only by a national recognition of his merits, that Mr. Adams can occupy his true place in the eyes of the civilized world. We trust, therefore, that Lord John Russell the intellectual head of a Government that nobly seeks for reputation in the extension of education and knowledge-will seize this opportunity of doing justice to his countryman, and of emblazoning, in the sight of Europe, the intellectual renown of England.

*The College of St. John's has done honour to Mr. Adams by endowing a Bursary which bears his name; and the United Colleges of St. Salvator and St. Leonard, St. Andrews, have offered him their vacant Chair of Natural Philosophy, a compliment which was never before paid but to Dr. Chalmers, when he received the Chair of Moral Philosophy in that Institution.

Political Economy of a Famine.

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ART. IX.-1. Correspondence from July 1846 to February 1847,, relating to the measures adopted for the Relief of the Distress in Scotland.

2. Correspondence from July 1846 to January 1847, relating to the measures adopted for the Relief of the Distress in Ireland. (Commissariat Series.)

3. Do. do. do. (Board of Works Series.)

4. Do. from January to March 1847. (Commissariat Series.)

WE feel as if it were somewhat daring to have assumed such a title for our Article as "The Political Economy of a Famine," a revolting and unnatural conjunction it will be thought by many; as if bringing the severest infliction which can be laid on suffering humanity, bringing it under the inspection and placing it at the disposal of a hard and unfeeling overseer. We adopt the title notwithstanding, and this expressly because we want to make the earliest possible declaration of war against such an imagination. Political Economy is no more responsible for the perversities and errors of its disciples than is any other of the sciences. It is true that it is a science, not a sentiment; and that as a science it is conversant with truth alone. It has been variously defined; but let us at once take up the view, that its object is to discover and assign the laws by which the increase and distribution of wealth are regulated-surely a fair and competent field of inquiry; and presenting, it may be, a subject in every way as accessible, and as capable of being strictly and fully ascertained, as any other subject of human investigation. Now, surely, Political Economy might be left with all safety, nay often with great advantage, to the accomplishment of this service, without damage or disturbance to the other, and it may be the higher objects of national policy. We might take her lessons upon wealth, and yet not give in to the false and ruinous principle that wealth is the summum bonum of a people. There are other and far greater interests, not to be sacrificed at the shrine of wealth, but to which wealth should be made the subordinate and the tributary. National independence is one of those interests which most men will think is paramount to wealth, and therefore ought to be provided for at the expense of adequate naval and military establishments. National virtue is another of those interests which many men, and ourselves among the number, will also think is paramount to wealth, and ought to be provided for at the expense of good institutions. But, to come nearer the case in hand, the preservation of human life is a far higher object than

any which comes within the range or contemplation of Political Economy; and rather than that so much as one of our fellowcountrymen should perish of hunger, no expense should be spared to prevent a catastrophe so horrible. It is for Humanity to give the word of command in this matter. And yet Political Economy has a word in it too-the word of direction as to how the command can be most fully and effectually executed. We might refuse altogether her authority as a master, and yet avail ourselves to the uttermost of her services as a guide-for in this latter capacity her lessons are invaluable; and it is high time to put a decisive check on those senseless outcries which, both in and out of Parliament, have been lifted up against her. There is no such mal-adjustment in the constitution, whether of man or of things, as that, for the sake of his wellbeing, a violence must be done either to reason or to principle. On the contrary, it will ever be found that, in like manner as truth and beauty, so truth and benevolence, or truth and all virtue are at one.

And yet scarcely a paragraph can be written on the existing distress without a fling at Political Economy-as if all the ills and sufferings of society must be laid to the door of this the most maligned, while perhaps the least understood of the Sciences. And so in how many a newspaper do we read of "the cold maxims of a heartless Political Economy," of the numerous deaths by famine being "holocausts offered at the shrine of Political Economy." "The poor," we are told from Dingle on the 9th of February," are at the mercy of the famine-mongers, who have advanced the price of meal from three to four shillings, and we have but a small supply even at these prices. Our bakers are making exorbitant profits. It is a pity we have not the same law here as in Turkey, where they are nailed through the ears to their own doors." In like manner, the Galway Mercury, after recording a death, goes on to observe that "thus another of our fellow-creatures has been offered up a holocaust to the doctrine of Political Economy, now so much in favour with our Whig rulers." Similar reflections to these occur every day in the Irish newspapers. But to us the far most interesting specimen is that given forth in the verdict of a jury on a coroner's inquest in Dublin, as fully described in Saunders' News-Letter of February 16. The following is part of that verdict." The jury, without entering into any political questions, sincerely deplore that the existing Government, however kindly and well disposed towards this country, should for a single moment adhere to a cold-blooded system of Political Economy, which thus allows famine to invade the very heart of our metropolis, and is rapidly decimating the people throughout the entire island." The verdict closes thus"In conclusion, the jury, whilst fully sensible of past exertions,

Political Economy of a Famine.

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respectfully implore in the name of their fellow-citizens, that the Government will, at all costs, at once adopt comprehensive, energetic, and above all immediate measures, to stay the effects of the famine now ravaging and desolating our unfortunate country."-A most impressive utterance, and in a spirit too wherewith one can fully sympathize--given in truly solemn and affecting circumstances, and worthy of all duteous and respectful consideration. We feel inclined to make it the text of our whole Article, though perhaps differing in our views from the right-hearted men who have furnished it; and disposed to think that neither Government nor Political Economy is so chargeable with their country's ills as they seem to apprehend.

We confess our toleration and even our sympathy for such outbreakings as these, when they proceed from the sufferers themselves; but not when uttered, as they sometimes are, within the walls of Parliament. The privations and the high prices, which are sufficiently accounted for by the famine, it might be venial and certainly not unnatural for parties out of doors to charge upon the famine-mongers. But what we can feel the utmost indulgence for, when heard at a popular meeting, or given forth from a jury-box, might be a disgrace and utter folly, if spoken in the Senate-house. And yet it is but the other day, when, if the reports might be credited, a distinguished and aspiring statesman could tell, with seeming complacency, of a law by which the dealers in corn, because dealers of course in the miseries of the people, were hung up at their own doors-an invective pardonable enough when uttered, as at Dingle, by a voice from among the dead and the dying; but not pardonable, because mischievous and wrong, when thus re-echoed to from the high places of our land. It is certainly not the way to encourage commerce, or to facilitate the diffusion of its blessings, thus to summon up the terrors of Lynch law wherewith to overhang and overbear its operations. We know not in how far the starvation of Ireland might be owing to the dread of such outrages, and to the insecurity attendant on the conveyance of the requisite supplies from one locality to another; but it is our strong persuasion that, with a due liberality on the part of Government, along with a wise and well-principled administration of its grants, not one of these starvations should have occurred. For the explanation of this opinion, however, we must draw on the lessons of Political Economy, against which, so loud is the popular and prevailing cry, that but few will listen to them. As if the famine were not of itself sufficient to account for the present miseries of Ireland, it is this hateful and hated Political Economy which must bear all the blame of them; about as reasonable as when an ora

tor in Conciliation Hall ascribed them all to politics-telling us that it was now the 46th year of the Union, and that such was the state to which that measure had brought their ill-governed country. This might pass in an assembly of demagogues and agitators; but it is truly wretched to hear of such clap-traps in our House of Commons, whether uttered as fetches for popularity, or in sheer ignorance-an ignorance most unseemly among those, who, whether men of wisdom and high talent or not, should at least be men of education.

Let us now endeavour to lay down, with all possible brevity, what we have termed the Political Economy of a Famine.

A famine may be either general, by which we do not mean a famine extending over the whole world, but over a whole country; or it may be local, that is, a famine confined to special parts of the country.

The Political Economy of a general famine might be soon told; and let us accordingly tell it in as few words as we can, that more room might be left for what is specially, and at this particular moment, the matter in hand.

The effect of a scarcity on prices is obvious to all; and even to most men the reason of this effect is alike obvious. The first alarm of it induces an earnest competition among the families for food. There are many other articles of expenditure, the use of which can be greatly abridged, or even might be altogether dispensed with. But to dispense with food is impossible, and neither can the use of it be much abridged, without the feeling of a sore inconvenience. It is thus that a proportion of the money which in ordinary years went to the purchase of other enjoyments, will, in a year of scarcity be reserved for the purchase of necessaries. In other words, a greater amount of money is brought to market than usual, and this over against a smaller amount of food; and so a rise in its price is the inevitable consequence. It were well if the rationale of this process could be brought clearly and convincingly home to the apprehensions of all men; and so as that we could reconcile the popular understanding to the conclusion which might be drawn from it. In particular, it were well if they could be made to see how far the price of an article is the fiat, not of the dealers, but the fiat of the customers; or that such is its price, not because the dealers exacted, but because the customers offered it-insomuch that the collective will of the latter, and not of the former, is primarily and efficiently the cause of prices. It is quite palpable that it is the more intense demand of purchasers which raises prices; and that this calls forth larger supplies, which is the dealer's part of the operation, and has the direct tendency to lower them. All this, as being part

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