aging hopes of sudden wealth expected to flow from magnificent schemes dependent upon the action of Congress? Does the spirit which has produced such results need to be stimulated or checked? Is it not the better rule to leave all these works to private enterprize, regulated, and when expedient, aided, by the co-operation of States? If constructed by private capital, the stimulant and the check go together, and furnish a salutary restraint against speculative schemes and extravagance. But it is manifest that, with the most effective guards, there is danger of going too fast and too far.

We may well pause before a proposition contemplating a simultaneous movement for the construction of railroads, which, in extent, will equal, exclusive of the great Pacific road and all its branches, nearly one-third of the entire length of such works, now completed, in the United States, and which cannot cost, with equipments, less than one hundred and fifty millions of dollars. The dangers likely to result from combinations of interests of this character, can hardly be over estimated. But, independently of these considerations, where is the accurate knowledge, the comprehensive intelligence, which shall discriminate between the relative claims of these twenty-eight proposed roads, in eleven States and one Territory? Where will you begin, and where end? If to enable these companies to execute their proposed works, it is necessary that the aid of the General Government be primarily given, the policy will present a problem so comprehensive in its bearings, and so important to our political and social well being, as to claim, in anticipation, the severest analysis. Entertaining these views, I recur with satisfaction to the experience and action of the last session of Congress, as furnishing assurance that the subject will not fail to elicit a careful re-examination and rigid scrutiny.

It was my intention to present, on this occasion, some suggestions regarding internal improvements by the General Government, which want of time at the close of the last session prevented my submitting on the return to the House of Representatives, with objections, of the bill entitled, "an act making appropriation for the repair, preservation and completion of certain public works heretofore commenced under authority of law;" but the space in this communication already occupied with other matter of immediate public exigency constrains me to reserve that subject for a special message, which will be transmitted to the two houses of Congress at an early day.

The judicial establishment of the United States requires modification, and certain reforms in the manner of conducting the legal business of the Government are also much needed; but as I have addressed you upon both of these subjects at length before, I have only to call your attention to the suggestions then made.

My former recommendations, in relation to suitable provision for various objects of deep interest to the inhabitants of the District of Columbia, are renewed. Many of these objects partake largely of a national character, and are important, independently of their relation to the prosperity of the only considerable organized community in the Union, entirely unrepresented in Congress.

I have thus presented suggestions on such subjects as appear to me to be of particular interest or importance, and therefore most worthy of consideration during the short remaining period allotted to the labors of the present Congress.

Our forefathers of the thirteen United Colonies, in acquiring their independence, and in founding this Republic of the United States of America, have devolved upon us, their descendants, the greatest and the most noble trust ever committed to the hands of man, imposing upon all, and especially such as the public will may have invested, for the time being, with political functions, the most sacred obligations. We have to maintain inviolate the great doctrine of the inherent right of popular self-government; to reconcile the largest liberty of the individual citizen, with complete security of the public order; to render cheerful obedience to the laws of the land, to unite in enforcing their execution, and to frown indignantly on all combinations to resist them; to harmonize a sincere and ardent devotion to the institutions of religious faith with the most universal religious toleration; to preserve the rights of all by causing each to respect those of the other; to carry forward every social improvement to the uttermost limit of human perfectibility, by the free action of mind upon mind, not by the obtrusive intervention of misapplied force; to uphold the integrity and guard the limitations of our organic law; to preserve sacred from all touch of usurpation, as the very palladium of our political salvation, the reserved rights and powers of the several States and of the people; to cherish, with loyal fealty and devoted affection, this Union, as the only sure foundation on which the hopes of civil liberty rest; to administer government with vigilant integrity and rigid economy; to cultivate peace and friendship with foreign nations, and to demand and exact equal

justice from all, but to do wrong to none; to eschew intermeddling with the national policy and the domestic repose of other governments, and to repel it from our own; never to shrink from war when the rights and the honor of the country call us to arms, but to cultivate in preference the arts of peace, seek enlargement of the rights of neutrality, and elevate and liberalize the intercourse of nations; and by such just and honorable means, and such only, whilst exalting the condition of the Republic, to assure to it the legitimate influence and the benign authority of a great example amongst all the powers of Christendom.

Under the solemnity of these convictions, the blessing of Almighty God is earnestly invoked to attend upon your deliberations, and upon all the counsels and acts of the government, to the end that, with common zeal and common efforts, we may, in humble submission to the Divine will, co-operate for the promotion of the supreme good of these United States. FRANKLIN PIERCE.

WASHINGTON, December 4, 1854.

[No. 37.]

CORRESPONDENCE,

ACCOMPANYING THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
Mr. Mason to Secretary Marcy.

LEGATION UNITED STATES,

PARIS, October 30, 1854.

SIR: An incident of very grave import has transpired. In my No. 36, I communicated the intelligence that Mr. Soulé, United States Minister to Spain, had been prohibited, by alleged orders of the Emperor's government, from entering France.

That I might, without delay, ascertain the facts of this extrordinary and unusual proceeding, I sent Mr. Piatt, secretary of this legation, to Dover, to communicate with Mr. Soulé. He left Paris in the evening of the 25th, and on his arrival, finding that Mr. Soulé had left Dover, he proceeded to London, where he had an interview with that gentleman. The order forbidding his entering France, was wholly unknown to Mr. Soulé, and he assures me, that neither by deed nor by words, uttered or written, had he afforded a shadow of excuse for the wanton measure which, in violation of his rights as a citizen of the North American Republic, and of his privileges as one of its accredited ministers, has inter

dicted to him a passage through France on his way back to Madrid.

I lost no time after the return of Mr. Piatt, in addressing to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, under date of the 26th instant, a communication, of which I send you a copy. It was sent to the Foreign Office on the 28th, and I have not yet received an answer.

It is impossible not to regard this humiliating indignity as deeply injurious, when it is remembered that Mr. Soulé, acting under your orders, has recently spent more than two weeks in Paris; and while sojourning here neither he nor I received any intimation that his presence was objected to by the French government.

Seeing no adequate cause to justify an unfriendly feeling towards the United States, I cannot but hope that the French government, finding that it has acted on erroneous information, will at once redress this grievous wrong.

If in this I am disappointed, earnest as I have been since I have represented our country at this court to cultivate the most cordial relations of amity between the two countries, I must consider this incident of such grave importance that it is not impossible I shall regard it to be my duty to terminate my mission by demanding my passports. I will not lose a moment in keeping you advised of the reply to my note, and of the progress of events in connexion with this most extraordinary affair.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, J. Y. MASON.

Mr. Mason to M. Drouyn de l'Huys.

LEGATION DES ETATS UNIS,

PARIS, October 27, 1854.

MR. DROUYN DE L'HUYS, Minister Foreign Affairs:

SIR: I have received information that on the 24th inst. Mr. Soulé, on his arrival at Calais from the shores of England, was notified by a police officer that orders had been given by the imperial government that he should not be permitted to enter France, and that by these orders he was compelled to return to England, where he now remains. Mr. Soulé is a citizen of the United States, accredited as an Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary from his country to the court of Spain. He had, in executing the orders of his government, visited Paris and London, and was returning to his post at Madrid, by the most usual and convenient route through the territories of France,

when he was thus arrested in his journey. He had received no notice of the determination of the Emperor's government to deny him a privilege awarded by all nations to citizens or subjects of friendly powers travelling under their protection, and especially those who are clothed with the sacred character of public ministers; for he was actually arrested in his journey some hours before I received the intimations in regard to him which you did me the honor to give me in the afternoon of the 24th inst.

If authorized by the Emperor's government, it cannot but be regarded by the government and people of the United States not only as a most unusual and humiliating act towards the minister personally, but as a national indignity of very grave character, only to be extenuated by facts established by conclusive proof. Without waiting for special instructions to that effect, I regard it as my imperative duty to hasten to ask for what reasons one of my fellow-citizens, chosen by my country as a representative to a foreign power, has been so treated, while relations of amity and peace exist and are cherished by the United States with France. My government will be filled with painful anxiety until satisfactory information in reply to this inquiry can be communicated. I cannot but hope that your excellency will furnish me with such explanations as may relieve the minister from the position in which he has thus been placed, and which will enable me to allay the unpleasant feelings which the intelligence of this occurrence will occasion in the United States.

. I avail myself of this opportunity to renew to your excellency the assurances of the high consideration with which I am your humble and obedient servant,

[No. 41.]

J. Y. MASON.

Mr. Mason to Secretary Marcy.

LEGATION UNITED STATES,

PARIS, November 11, 1854.

SIR: In my despatch No. 37, I informed you of occur rences at Calais by which Mr. Soulé was interrupted in the prosecution of his journey to Spain; and with that despatch I sent you a copy of my letter to M. Drouyn de l'Huys, Minister of Foreign Affairs, of 27th October last. On the 1st of November I received from his excellency a note in reply to mine of that date. I send the original, retaining a copy for the files of the legation. Until the receipt of this note, I had understood the prohibition of Mr. Soulé's entering