protect their lives, their freedom, and the enjoyment of their rights of property, allowing them indemnities for the damages which the revolution may have caused to them, in so far as such indemnities may be just and which are to be determined by a procedure to be established later. The government shall also assume the responsibility of legitimate financial obligations.

Second. The first concern of the constitutionalist government shall be to reëstablish peace within the province of law and order, to the end that all the inhabitants of Mexico, both native and foreign, shall equally enjoy the benefits of true justice and be interested in coöperating in the support of the government emanating from the revolution. The commission of crimes of the common order shall be punished. In due time an amnesty shall be enacted in keeping with the necessities of the country and the situation, which in no way shall exempt those under it from the civil responsibilities they may have incurred.

Third. The constitutionalist laws of Mexico, known under the name of laws of reform, which establish the separation of the church and the state and which guarantee the individual right of worship in accordance with his own conscience and without offending public order, shall be strictly observed; therefore, no one shall suffer in his life, freedom, and property because of his religious beliefs. Temples shall continue to be the property of the nation according to laws in force, and the constitutionalist government shall again cede for the purposes of worship those which may be necessary.

Fourth. There shall be no confiscation in connection with the settlement of the agrarian question. This problem shall be solved by an equitable distribution of the lands still owned by the government; by the recovery of those lots which may have been illegally taken from individuals or communities; by the purchase and expropriation of large tracts of land, if necessary; by all other means of acquisition permitted by the laws of the country. The constitution of Mexico forbids privileges, and therefore all kinds of properties, regardless of who the owners may be, whether operated or not, shall in the future be subject to the proportional payment of a tax in accordance with a just and equitable valuation.

Fifth. All property legitimately acquired from individuals or legal governments, and which may not constitute a privilege or a monopoly, shall be respected.

Sixth. The peace and safety of a nation depends from the clear understanding of citizenship. Therefore, the government shall take pains in developing public education, causing it to spread throughout the whole country, and to this end it shall utilize all coöperation rendered in good faith, permitting the establishment of private schools subject to our laws.

Seventh. In order to establish the constitutional government, the government by me presided over shall observe and comply with the provisions of Articles 4, 5, and 6 of the decree of December 12, 1914, [printed supra, 358, 360].

What happened after the issuance of President Wilson's warning of June 2, 1915, may better be told in the language of Secretary of State Lansing, in a letter to the President dated February 12, 1916: "Several weeks after the statement was issued, as the factional differences seemed to be no nearer to a settlement, this government sounded the six rank

ing diplomatic representatives of Latin-America as to whether they would confer and advise with this government in regard to formulating some practicable plan, if possible, for the solution of the Mexican problem. Under instructions from their respective governments, these representatives signified their desire to coöperate with this government, and the first conference with the representatives was held on August 5, last.

"As a result of that conference the ambassadors of Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, the ministers of Bolivia, Uruguay, and Guatemala, and the Secretary of State of the United States, acting severally, signed an appeal to the civil and military leaders of the revolutionary factions in Mexico, suggesting that the latter hold a conference to discuss a peaceful settlement of their differences and offered to act as intermediaries to arrange the time, place, and other details of such conference. Identical communications in this sense were, under date of August 13 and 14 last, sent by telegraph to all generals, governors, and other leaders known to be exercising civil or military authority in Mexico." For the information of our readers, the appeal referred to is quoted textually:

WASHINGTON, D. C., August 11, 1915.

The undersigned, the Secretary of State of the United States, the ambassadors extraordinary and plenipotentiary of Brazil, Chile, and Argentina, and the envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary of Bolivia, Uruguay, and Guatemala, accredited to the Government of the United States of America, acting severally and independently, unanimously send to you the following communication:

Inspired by the most sincere spirit of American fraternity, and convinced that they rightly interpret the earnest wish of the entire continent, have met informally at the suggestion of the Secretary of State of the United States to consider the Mexican situation and to ascertain whether their friendly and disinterested help could be successfully employed to reestablish peace and constitutional order in our sister Republic.

In the heat of the frightful struggle which for so long has steeped in blood the Mexican soil, doubtless all may well have lost sight of the dissolving effects of the strife upon the most vital conditions of the national existence, not only upon the life and liberty of the inhabitants, but on the prestige and security of the country. We can not doubt, however—no one can doubt-that in the presence of a sympathetic appeal from their brothers of America, recalling to them these disastrous effects, asking them to save their motherland from an abyss-no one can doubt, we repeat-that the patriotism of the men who lead or aid in any way the bloody strife will not remain unmoved; no one can doubt that each and every one of them, measuring in his own conscience his share in the responsibilities of past misfortune and looking forward to his share in the glory of the pacification and reconstruction of the country, will

respond, nobly and resolutely, to this friendly appeal and give their best efforts to opening the way to some saving action.

We, the undersigned, believe that if the men directing the armed movements in Mexico whether political or military chiefs-should agree to meet, either in person or by delegates, far from the sound of cannon, and with no other inspiration save the thought of their afflicted land, there to exchange ideas and to determine the fate of the country-from such action would undoubtedly result the strong and unyielding agreement requisite to the creation of a provisional government, which should adopt the first steps necessary to the constitutional reconstruction of the country-and to issue the first and most essential of them all, the immediate call to general elections.

An adequate place within the Mexican frontiers, which for the purpose might be neutralized, should serve as the seat of the conference; and in order to bring about a conference of this nature the undersigned, or any of them, will willingly, upon invitation, act as intermediaries to arrange the time, place, and other details of such conference, if this action can in any way aid the Mexican people.

The undersigned expect a reply to this communication within a reasonable time; and consider that such a time would be 10 days after the communication is delivered, subject to prorogation for cause.

It will be preferable also to state the result of this appeal in the language of the Secretary of State contained in the same letter. "The attempt to bring the factions together for a conference failed. Substantially all the commanders and others in authority who were associated with Gen. Villa, replied directly and independently, in varied language, accepting the suggestion for a conference. On the other hand, all the commanders and others in authority who were affiliated with Gen. Carranza replied briefly to the effect that the appeal had been referred to Gen. Carranza, whose superior authority they acknowledged, and who would make such reply as he deemed proper. The inference to be drawn was plain. On the one hand, there seemed to be no central organization among the Villista forces, while, on the other hand, submission to a central authority was evidenced in the replies of the Carranzistas. The unity and loyalty of the Carranzistas appeared to indicate the ultimate triumph of that faction, especially as the Carranzista forces were then in control of approximately 75 per cent of the territory of Mexico. Accordingly the conferees, after careful and impartial consideration of all the circumstances, decided unanimously to recommend severally to their respective governments that in their opinion the government of which Gen. Carranza was the leader should be recognized as the de facto government of Mexico."

In aid of General Carranza's claim to recognition, his Confidential Agent at Washington on October 7, 1915, transmitted copies of General

Carranza's public declarations of December 12, 1914, and June 11, 1915, containing the guarantees to both nationals and foreigners above quoted. In this letter the Confidential Agent assured the Secretary of State that the lives and property of foreigners in Mexico would be respected in accordance with the practices established by civilized nations and the treaties in force between Mexico and other countries. He also stated that the Carranza Government would recognize and satisfy indemnities for damages caused by the revolution, to be settled in due time and according to justice. Another letter from the Confidential Agent to the Secretary of State, dated October 8, 1915, assured the United States that "the laws of reform, which guarantee individual freedom of worship according to everyone's conscience, shall be strictly observed. Therefore the Constitutionalist Government will respect everybody's life, property, and religious beliefs without other limitation than the preservation of public order and the observance of the institutions in accordance with the laws in force and the constitution of the Republic."

On October 19, 1915, the Secretary of State of the United States sent a note to the Confidential Agent extending recognition to the de facto government in Mexico, of which General Venustiano Carranza is the chief executive, and suggesting the reciprocal appointment of diplomatic representatives by the two governments. The Secretary of State stated on February 12, 1916, that "the said de facto government has since been recognized by substantially all the countries of Latin America; also by Great Britain, France, Italy, Russia, Japan, AustriaHungary, Germany, and Spain; and several other countries have recently announced their intention of extending recognition."

In the same report, the Secretary of State, referring to the ability of the de facto government to fulfill its promises and obligations to protect American rights and property in Mexico, said:

The Department's information indicates that the de facto government is now in control of all but a few sections of Mexico, and that, bearing in mind that the nation is just emerging from years of domestic strife, it may be said that within the territory which it controls it is affording, in all the circumstances, reasonably adequate protection to the lives and property of American citizens and that it is taking steps to extend its authority over and restore order in sections now in the hands of hostile factions. In this connection, however, it should be stated that the lawless conditions which have long continued throughout a large part of the territory of Mexico are not easy to remedy and that the great number of bandits who have infested certain districts and devastated property in such territory can not be suppressed immediately,

but that their suppression will require some time for its accomplishment, pending which it may be expected that they will commit sporadic outrages upon lives and property.

GEORGE A. FINCH.

THE JAPANESE LAW OF NATIONALITY

The Japanese law of nationality was amended during the last session of the Imperial Diet, and as amended received the Imperial sanction and was promulgated as Law No. 27 on March 15, 1916. Its recent origin would alone justify comment; its importance requires it. The most important changes will therefore be mentioned and the reasons for them stated.

Article 18 of the previous law provided that a Japanese woman lost her Japanese nationality when she married a foreigner. This was thought to be unsatisfactory, because if she married a foreigner who, for one reason or another, had lost his nationality, the woman herself would be in the unfortunate position of her husband. Article 18, as amended, reads: "When a Japanese by becoming the wife of a foreigner has acquired the husband's nationality, then such Japanese loses Japanese nationality."

Article 20 of the previous law reads: "A person who has acquired foreign nationality by his own choice loses Japanese nationality." But this article is to be read in connection with Article 24, which provided that a Japanese subject of 17 or more years of age could not divest himself of Japanese nationality unless he had performed his military service or was exempt therefrom. This article is retained in the revised law, but again Articles 17 and 24 thereof are to be construed by a new provision called Article 20-bis, which reads as follows:

In case a Japanese subject who has acquired foreign nationality by reason of his or her birth in a foreign country has domicile in that country, he or she may be expatriated with the permission of the Minister of State for Home Affairs.

The application for the permission referred to in the preceding paragraph shall be made by the legal representative in case the person to be expatriated is younger than fifteen years of age. If the person in question is a minor above fifteen years of age or a person adjudged incompetent, the application can only be made with the consent of his or her legal representative or guardian.

A step-father, a step-mother, a legal mother or a guardian may not make the application or give the consent prescribed in the preceding paragraph without the consent of the family council.

A person who has been expatriated loses Japanese nationality.