armed league of neutrality ended, in 1801, in defeat for the countries themselves, defeat not even very glorious. The policy of the successive leagues had as a matter of course been mainly directed against England, who, then as now, utilized its mastery of the seas as its chief weapon in war, not always over-mindful of neutral "rights". Denmark's defeat in 1801 and its enforced withdrawal from the League which it had, if not initiated, at any rate contributed to inspire, is one of the numerous tragedies of a feeble state trying in vain to satisfy both parties at war.

Dr. Boye's conclusion is optimistic, as was natural in 1912, when his book was published. It would hardly have been possible to end in the same vein at the present time.

The book has a very good analytical table of contents, but the absence of an alphabetical index is greatly to be regretted.

The book by Fredrik Bajer, the Danish veteran friend of peace, treats of a very special chapter of the history of neutrality during the nineteenth century. It is an imposing monument of painstaking industry and loving care. It consists in the main of copious extracts from the records in the Danish Foreign Office and must represent years and years of patient, incessant work. The subject is, of course, of a very special character, but the book is quite readable because the original documents are always cited in their original style, and as they are bound together with short introductory and transitory paragraphs, the tale becomes one of continuous interest. There are excellent indexes, so that the bulky volume can easily be consulted.

In a first part the author traces the history of the simultaneous declarations of neutrality from the three Scandinavian kingdoms of December (1853) in view of the threatening European war, which broke out in 1854. A second and third part follow the foreign policy, especially of Denmark, during the war, while a fourth part tells the tale of the decay of the common policy of neutrality, especially through the famous treaty of November 21, 1885, by which England and France "guaranteed" the integrity of Norway and Sweden as against Russia. This treaty meant an abrupt departure from the policy of neutrality, and from the Russophile attitude of Bernadotte (1844). It would probably have spelled the entry of Norway and Sweden into the war against Russia, if peace had not intervened at the beginning of 1856. Fortunately, the treaty of 1855 has been formally abolished with regard both to Norway (in 1907) and to Sweden (in 1908).

In a last part Mr. Bajer traces the history of the negotiations for the Treaty of Paris. It is to be hoped that the author will be able to publish later a fifth part, which he has prepared, and which completes the history up to the declaration on maritime law of April 23, 1856.

In any event, the author is to be sincerely congratulated on this fine fruit of his disinterested and painstaking industry.

CHR. L. LANGE.

War or a United World. By Soterios Nicholson. Washington: The Washington Publishing House. 1916. pp. 325.

The author has in this book given to us a discursive and somewhat rambling, I shall not say pedantic, review of ancient Greece, of Italy and the Roman Empire, of the Franco-Iberian Peninsula, the British Isles, Russia, Germany and Prussia. In Chapter 8 he enumerates the causes of the present war as he sees them, and in Chapter 9, the last chapter of the book, we are given his views relative to the establishment of peace with justice. The writer believes that even from the point of view of competition, warfare is neither a necessary nor a desirable factor, "nor indeed a prevailing process in nature." It is coöperation which is useful and necessary. Patriotism should be something larger than national egotism. "States are meant to coöperate in productive activity, in the same way as individuals, if they are meant to exist and prosper at all." Coming to the point of the whole discussion, we are told that international coöperation must "receive embodiment in terms of a federation of all the states in the world." It is not proposed that the states shall give up their freedom as regards their internal affairs, but a universal state, a united world, there must be. The machinery of the federation. must consist of an international legislative assembly, a judicial tribunal and an executive body. Since the executive body is to employ "instruments of punishment" in terms of economic pressure and of the use of armed force, the program of the author is in this regard essentially the same as the program of the League to Enforce Peace. We read:

The use of armed force will be effected whenever occasion arises by the sending of a sufficient portion of the Federal army or navy or both to the precincts of the offending state and by threatening to compel the latter to comply with law by force. If the state refuses to yield, the military force will invade the state, etc.

In short, it is proposed that the resort to arbitration must be compulsory and the judgment of the court must be binding upon all states.

A somewhat careful reading of this book fails to disclose an adequate appreciation of The Hague Conferences as law-making bodies. The author is evidently unaware of the work already accomplished in behalf of an international judiciary. The difference between judicial, arbitral and other methods of composition is not recognized. The question of sanctions has received short shrift for the reason that the author makes the common mistake of drawing his analogies from the municipal rather than from the international field, or from the experiences of our own Supreme Court with its decisions as between States.

ARTHUR DEERIN CALL.

Kriegführende Staaten als Schuldner und Gläubiger feindlicher Staatsangehöriger. By Wilhelm Kaufmann. Berlin: J. Guttentag's Verlag. 1915. pp. 86.

The science of international law has labored to create a body of rules to regulate, as far as can be, the conduct of war; and it has in a brief time achieved the seemingly impossible, namely, the recognition on the part of nations that war is a legal relation, a law-regulated status. The modern interdependence of states and peoples is as vital in the realm of finance as elsewhere. Hence, upon the outbreak of war, belligerent states often find themselves debtors or creditors for enormous sums, of enemy subjects. What are the rules of law governing the mutual rights and duties of belligerent states and enemy subjects in respect of these obligations? Professor Kaufmann shows, in this sharply reasoned monograph, that the manifold effects of war upon these obligations extend even to third parties and that national as well as international law come into play. In general, the relations of the parties are in the first instance governed by the international law of war, but also, in so far as this law is imperfect or permits it, to a large extent by the national law of the belligerents. In this connection Professor Kaufmann reiterates the theory, of which he is a vigorous champion, that individuals are the subjects of international law; hence if the rules of international law may fairly be regarded as immediately applicable between the enemy subject and the debtor (or creditor) state, no national law of either belligerent state can legally alter or destroy the individual's rights or duties under international law.

The author examines at length the authority of a belligerent state to suspend payment of its obligations to enemy subjects, as he states

Great Britain, France and Russia are now doing; and he pronounces such suspensions contrary to the uniform practice of nations and hence unwarranted in law. The subsequent similar enactments of Germany are deemed retaliatory. Considerable attention is given to the question of what protection and relief the injured enemy subject may expect of his own government. For example, have the German creditors of Russia the right to demand of Germany that the Russian bank deposits in Berlin attached by the German Government be applied to the satisfaction of their just claims against Russia? Professor Kaufmann thinks not. He suggests, however, that active reprisals against the repudiating states should be undertaken and a special fund be accumulated thereby with which to pay the repudiated obligations. But the author's appeal to Article 3 of the Fourth Hague Convention of 1907 providing that a belligerent who violates the Réglement pertaining to war on land may be held liable to pay damages, seems inapt, for the reason that no paragraph of the Réglement deals with the relations between enemy subjects and belligerent debtor or creditor states.

GEORGE C. BUTTE.

Tratado de Derecho Internacional Publico. By Dr. Simon Planas Suarez. Madrid: Hijos de Reus. 1916. Vol. 1, pp. 502.

The distinguished publicist and Venezuelan diplomat, Dr. Simon Planas Suarez, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of his country to the Government of Portugal, has just published a very interesting work under the above title.

This work was not intended to deal with the problem which is of such great importance to-day, namely, that relating to the reconstruction of international law. Its aims lie in a totally different direction. Its purpose is to make known international law in its most important branches as it existed before the war.

The object which the author has proposed to himself amply justifies the plan and method of the work. As a matter of fact, the author reviews in his first volume, which has just appeared, all questions relating to the subject of peace. It treats of Territory, Population, Government, Sovereignty, the Independence of States and questions relating thereto especially Intervention and the Monroe Doctrine, State Property, Treaties and their Interpretation, Territorial Seas, Rivers, Aerial Domain, Nationality, and all questions in connection therewith.

These subject-matters are not treated from the point of view of the "doctrinaire," but from an essentially practical one. It outlines the opinions of the principal authorities on each of these questions, and gives a sketch of the principal diplomatic treaties relating to them.

The method and contents of the book enable any one wishing to obtain information speedily on any question of international law, to find the same concisely stated in the work of Dr. Suarez without having to search for the opinions in different works on each subject with which international law is concerned, as we are now compelled to do.

But besides this, the work of the distinguished Venezuelan diplomat has another advantage. This has been brought to our attention by Mr. A. Merignac, Professor at the University of Toulouse, in a review of the book which appeared in the last number of the Revue Générale de Droit International Public,-that is, it makes known to European authors and publicists the Spanish and South American bibliography on international law.

We are convinced that the splendid work of Dr. Suarez will be well received by all persons who dedicate themselves to the subject of international law, and Dr. Suarez must be sincerely congratulated on his efforts, which have succeeded in enriching American literature and bibliography by the work that has just been published from his pen. ALEJANDRO Alvarez.

The Freedom of the Seas. A dissertation by Grotius. Translated, with a revision of the Latin text, by Ralph Van Deman Magoffin. Edited, with an introductory note, by James Brown Scott. New York: Oxford University Press. 1916. pp. xv, 83.

The Mare Liberum appeared anonymously in 1608, and was Grotius' first published contribution to international law. A feature causing the little dissertation to deserve unusual attention at the present time is indicated by the translator's selection of a title just now in common use,-"The Freedom of the Seas." It is true that there is no direct treatment of the topics now pressing; for Grotius had not occasion to discuss whether neutrals in time of war should continue in unrestricted use of the sea and whether even belligerent private and non-contraband property should be as safe on sea as on land. Yet there is presentation of the question necessarily underlying those topics, the question, that is to say, whether the sea is open to all in time of peace. On this ele