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DEBATES BETWEEN ABRAHAM LINCOLN

nominees. I do not include all of the Federal office-holders in this remark. Such of them as are Democrats and show their Democracy by remaining inside of the Democratic organization and supporting its nominees, I recognize as Democrats; but those who, having been defeated inside of the organization, go outside and attempt to divide and destroy the party in concert with the Republican leaders, have ceased to be Democrats, and belong to the allied army, whose avowed object is to elect the Republican ticket by dividing and destroying the Democratic

party.

My friends, I have exhausted myself, and I certainly have fatigued you, made. in the long and desultory remarks which I have It is now two nights since I have been in bed, and I think I have a right to a little sleep. I will, however, have an opportunity of meeting you face to face, and addressing you on

more

than one occasion before the November election. In

conclusion, I must again say to you, justice to my own feelings to me on this occasion knows no bounds, and can be described demands it, that my gratitude for the welcome you have extended by no language which I can command. I see that I am literally at home when among my constituents. This welcome has amply repaid me for every effort that I have made in the public service during nearly twenty-five years that I have held office at your hands. It not only compensates me for the past, but it furnishes an inducement and incentive for future effort which no man, no matter how patriotic, can feel who has not witnessed the magnificent reception you have extended to me to-night on my return

DELI

SPEECH OF HON. ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

IN REPLY TO SENATOR DOUGLAS.

ered at Chicago, Saturday Evening, JULY 10, 1858. (Mr. DOUGLAS
was not present.)

as he made his appearance he was greeted with a perfect storm

Mr. LINCOLN was introduced by C. L. Wilson, Esq.; and

of

applause. For some moments the enthusiasm continued un abated. At last, when by a wave of his hand, partial silence was restored, Mr. LINCOLN said:

MY FELLOW-CITIZENS: On yesterday evening, upon the

Occasion of the reception given to Senator Douglas, I was furnished with a seat very convenient for hearing him, and was otherwise very courteously treated by him and his friends, and for which I thank him and them. During the course of his remarks my name was mentioned in such a way as, I suppose,

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renders it at least not improper that I should make some sort of reply to him. I shall not attempt to follow him in the precise order in which he addressed the assembled multitude upon that occasion, though I shall perhaps do so in the main.

There was one question to which he asked the attention of the crowd, which I deem of somewhat less importance- at least of propriety for me to dwell upon-than the others, which he brought in near the close of his speech, and which I think it would not be entirely proper for me to omit attending to, and yet if I were not to give some attention to it now, I should probably forget it altogether. While I am upon this subject, allow me to say that I do not intend to indulge in that inconvenient mode sometimes adopted in public speaking, of reading from documents; but I shall depart from that rule so far as to read a little scrap from his speech, which notices this first topic of which I shall speak,—that is, provided I can find it in the paper.

"I have made up my mind to appeal to the people against the combination that has been made against me; the Republican leaders having formed an alliance-an unholy and unnatural alliance-with a portion of unscrupulous Federal office-holders. I intend to fight that allied army wherever I meet them. I know they deny the alliance; but yet these men who are trying to divide the Democratic party for the purpose of electing a Republican Senator in my place are just as much the agents and tools of the supporters of Mr. Lincoln. Hence I shall deal with this allied army just as the Russians dealt with the Allies at Sebastopol, that is, the Russians did not stop to inquire, when they fired a broadside, whether it hit an Englishman, a Frenchman, or a Turk. Nor will I stop to inquire, nor shall I hesitate, whether my blows shall hit the Republican leaders or their allies, who are holding the Federal offices, and yet acting in concert with them."

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Well, now, gentlemen, is not that very alarming? Just to think of it! right at the outset of his canvass, I, a poor, kind, amiable, intelligent gentleman,-I am to be slain in this way Why, my friend the Judge is not only, as it turns out, not a dead lion, nor even a living one, he is the rugged Russian Bear!

But if they will have it- for he says that we deny it - that there is any such alliance, as he says there is, and I don't propose hanging very much upon this question of veracity, but if he will have it that there is such an alliance,-that the Administration men and we are allied, and we stand in the attitude of English, French, and Turk, he occupying the position of the Russian, in that case I beg that he will indulge us while we barely suggest to him that these allies took Sebastopol.

Gentlemen, only a few more words as to this alliance. For my part, I have to say that whether there be such an alliance depends, so far as I know, upon what may be a right definition

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DEBATES BETWEEN ABRAHAM LINCOLN

of the term "alliance." If for the Republican party to see the other great party to which they are opposed divided among themselves, and not try to stop the division, and rather be glad of it,-if that is an alliance, I confess I am in; but if it is meant to be said that the Republicans had formed an alliance going beyond that, by which there is contribution of money or sacrifice of principle on the one side or the other, so far as the Republican party is concerned, if there be any such thing, I protest that I neither know anything of it, nor do I believe it. I will, however, say, as I think this branch of the argument is lugged in,-I would before I leave it, state, for the benefit of those concerned, that one of those same Buchanan men did once tell me of an argument that he made for his opposition to Judge Douglas. He said that a friend of our Senator Douglas had been talking to him, and had, among other things, said to him: "Why, you don't want to beat Douglas?" "Yes," said he, "I do want to beat him, and I will tell you why. I believe his original Nebraska bill was right in the abstract, but it was wrong in the time that it was brought forward. It was wrong in the application to a Territory in regard to which the question had been settled; it was brought forward at a time when nobody asked him; it was tendered to the South when the South had not asked for it, but when they

could

not well refuse it; and for this same reason he forced that

question upon our party. It has sunk the best men all over the

with the difficulties of this man's getting up, has reached the very hardest point to turn in the case, he deserts him and I am for

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him where he will trouble us no more."

Now, gentlemen, that is not my argument; that is not my ment at all. I have only been stating to you the argument Buchanan man. You will judge if there is any force in it. Popular sovereignty! everlasting popular sovereignty! Let for a moment inquire into this vast matter of popular ereignty. What is popular sovereignty?

that at an early period in the history of this struggle there was another name for the same thing,-"Squatter Sovergnty." It was not exactly Popular Sovereignty, but Squatter Overeignty. What do those terms mean?" What do those terms mean when used now? And vast credit is taken by Our friend the Judge in regard to his support of it, when he

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eclares the last years of his life have been, and all the future ears of his life shall be, devoted to this matter of popular Sovereignty. What is it? Why, it is the sovereignty of the People! What was Squatter Sovereignty? I suppose if it had any significance at all, it was the right of the people to govern themselves, to be sovereign in their own affairs while they were squatted down in a country not their own, while they had

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squatted on a Territory that did not belong to them, in the sense that a State belongs to the people who inhabit it,-when it belonged to the nation; such right to govern themselves was called "Squatter Sovereignty."

Now, I wish you to mark. What has become of that Squatter Sovereignty? What has become of it? Can you get anybody to tell you now that the people of a Territory have any authority to govern themselves, in regard to this mooted question of slavery, before they form a State Constitution? No such thing at all, although there is a general running fire, and although there has been a hurrah made in every speech on that side, assuming that policy had given the people of a Territory the right to govern themselves upon this question; yet the point is dodged. To-day it has been decided-no more than a year ago it was decided by the Supreme Court of the United States, and is insisted upon to-day-that the people of a Territory have no right to exclude slavery from a Territory; that if any one man chooses to take slaves into a Territory, all the rest of the people have no right to keep them out. This being so, and this decision being made one of the points that the Judge approved, and one in the approval of which he says he means to keep me down,-put me down I should not say, for I have never been up. He says he is in. favor of it, and sticks to it, and expects to win his battle on that decision, which says that there is no such thing as Squatter Sovereignty, but that any one man may take slaves into a Territory, and all the other men in the Territory may be opposed to it, and yet by reason of the Constitution they cannot prohibit it. When that is so, how much is left of this vast matter of Squatter Sovereignty, I should like to know?

When we get back, we get to the point of the right of the people to make a Constitution. Kansas was settled, for example, in 1854. It was a Territory yet, without having formed a constitution, in a very regular way, for three years. All this time negro slavery could be taken in by any few individuals, and by that decision of the Supreme Court, which the Judge approves, all the rest of the people cannot keep it out; but when they come to make a constitution, they may say they will not have slavery. But it is there; they are obliged to tolerate it some way, and all experience shows it will be so, for they will not take the negro slaves and absolutely deprive the owners of them. All experience shows this to be so. All that space of time that runs from the beginning of the settlement of the Territory until there is sufficiency of people to make a State constitution,—all that portion of time popular sovereignty is given up. The seal is absolutely put down upon it by the court decision, and Judge Douglas puts his own upon the top of that; yet he is appealing to the people to give him vast credit for his devotion to popular sovereignty.

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Again, when we get to the question of the right of the people to form a State constitution as they please, to form it with slavery or without slavery,-if that is anything new, I confess I don't know it. Has there ever been a time when anybody said that any other than the people of a Territory itself should form a constitution? What is now in it that Judge Douglas should have fought several years of his life, and pledge himself to fight all the remaining years of his life for? Can Judge Douglas find anybody on earth that said that anybody else should form a constitution for a people? [A voice, [A voice, "Yes."] Well, I should you to name him; I should like to know who he was. [Same voice, "John Calhoun."]

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Mr. LINCOLN: No, sir, I never heard of even John Calhoun saying such a thing. He insisted on the same principle as Judge Douglas; but his mode of applying it, in fact, was wrong. enough for my purpose to ask this crowd whenever a Republican anything against it. They never said anything against it,

said

but they have constantly spoken for it; and whoever will undertake to examine the platform, and the speeches of responsible men of the party, and of irresponsible men, too, if you please, will unable to find one word from anybody in the Republican ranks opposed to that Popular Sovereignty which Judge Douglas thinks that he has invented. I suppose that Judge Douglas will claim, in a little while, that he is the inventor of the idea that

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of

people should govern themselves; that nobody ever thought such a thing until he brought it forward. We do not remember

that in that old Declaration of Independence it is said that "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." There is the origin of Popular Sovereignty. Who, then, shall come in at this day and claim that he invented it?

The Lecompton Constitution connects itself with this ques

tion, for it is in this matter of the Lecompton Constitution that

our

friend Judge Douglas claims such vast credit. I agree that in

"PPosing the Lecompton Constitution, so far as I can perceive, he was right. I do not deny that at all; and, gentlemen, you will readily see why I could not deny it, even if wanted to. But I ot wish to; for all the Republicans in the nation opposed it,

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and they would have opposed it just as much without Judge long before he did. Why, the reason that he urges against that Douglas's aid as with it. They had all taken ground against it Constitution, I urged against him a year before. I have the printed speech in my hand. The argument that he makes, why that Constitution should not be adopted, that the people were not fairly represented nor allowed to vote, I pointed out in a speech

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