TOTAL VALUE OF IMPORTS INTO GREAT BRITAIN IN THE FOLLOWING YEARS. Average of these 7 years Average of these 7 years 1793 1796 19,250,000 1799 9,556,000 24,084,000 33,640,000 22,288,000 1800 13,815,000 24,304,000 38,119,000 1795 22,736,000 1801 12,087,000 25,699,000 37,780,000 23,187,000 1802 14,418,000 26,993,000 41,411,000 1803 9,326,000 22,252,000 31,578,000 1804 10,515,000 23,935,000 34,450,000 1805 9,950,000 25,003,000 34,953,000 1797 1798 Excess in favour of the second period compared with the first period Average of these 7 years 21,013,000 1799 - 26,837,000 Excess in favour of the 3d period compared 1800 30,570,000 1801 - 32,795,000 1802 31,442,000 1803 - 27.992,000 Excess in favour of the third period compared with the second period Excess in favour of the third 29,973,000 29,830,000 } 7,545,000 period compared with the 12,090,000 first period As it is increased since that time, and under the change of management of a part of it, it is reduced in 1805 as under. Comparative state of our navigation and commerce at the extreme periods of the last twenty-one years. NAVIGATION. Shipping belonging to merchant's service 101,870 152,042 COMMERCE: Imports from British colonies, and from possessions in India Ditto from Ireland Ditto from Foreign countries to Exports of Brit. Ditto of Foreign merchandize 1784. 1805. £. 15,144,000 29,502,000 1804.* 3,757,000 9,322,000 7,517,000 14,613,000 11,274,000 23,935,000 3,846,000 12,227,000 The above are the Custom-house valuations, according to rules established more than a century ago. The real value of ex ports of British manufactures ex- 1784. ported in the two £. periods were FISHERIES. Value of produce imported 1805. £. 18,603,000 41,008,000 THE FUNDS. 127,000 484,000 Du Change, du Cours des Effets Publics, &c. Of Exchange, the Variations in Value of Public Securities, and the Interest of Money, considered in its Reference to the Welfare of the State, &c. By D. V. Ramel, 8vo. pp. 188. Paris, 1806.-Imported by Dulau and Co.-Price 6s. THIS work appears to be the production of a man of understanding and business. Those who have never before considered the subject on which it treats, may receive useful instruction from it: but, being calculated for France, and especially for Paris, very little of the main subject of the performance could be interesting to our readers. The author recommends to French bankers and agents, a new mode of estimating the course of Exchange; we shall content ourselves with referring the effects of this variation to the consideration of our English bankers, when they have direct intercourse with those who may have adopted it. But, as the political considerations interwoven with these calculations of our author appear to be founded on good authority, to be composed with very great caution not to reveal too much, while, The price of the 3 per cent. Con- In December 1805, after thirteen years from the commencement of the war, with an interval of less than two years of feverish peace 60 to 61 As the attention of the public is, with the utmost propriety, more than ever it was, directed to the investigation of our national finances, and as much anxiety has been entertained respecting their true condition, we trust that our insertion of the foregoing statements, will be acceptable to our countrymen. The subject will repeatedly come under future observation. For the present, we dismiss it with our thanks to the right honourable author for his labours: and our hopes that those who are adepts in our financial learning, will think it not unwise, or unbecoming to favour the public with such information, as, besides being entitled to confidence in the points of correctness and authenticity, may properly accompany and direct those reasonable expectations (we do not say those insatiable wishes) which every honest-hearted Briton is induced to indulge in behalf of his country. *The latest period to which these accounts can be obtained. state of things in France, which is very proper to be known in Britain; we translate a few pages selected from different parts of the work. Government cannot continue its activity without incurring expenses; expenses cannot be paid without returns to the public treasury; returns cannot be expected without imposts; it is useless to combat the chimerical system of taxes paid in kind; imposts cannot be gathered without a circulating medium; it is, therefore, the interest of Government that this circulation should exist and should be maintained. Nations which work no mines, cannot, in the natural state of things, procure the precious metals of which currency is made, unless the balance of commerce be in their favour. It is often said, that ceteris paribus the richest nation becomes the strongest ; and that when those nations which extract gold and silver from the bowels of the earth, may have, at length, attained this distinction, others contest their superiority, and by industry deprive them of it. The quantity of coin in circulation constantly increasing, every day should augment the favourable balance of trade; because, in its comparative estimate, it is unfavourable to that nation which continues stationary, while its neighbours are increasing their wealth Accordingly, we may observe that if France, including its new limits, possessing three milliards of livres in coin, should not endeavour to augment this sum, while an adjoining state, possessing only two milliards should double that sum, this thriving state would become richer than France by one fourth part; might on occasion exert superior means of attack and defence, and might, especially, by the high price which it could afford to pay, deprive France of those commodities, the productions of foreign parts, which circumstances rendered indispensably necessary. The difference of the balance of trade is paid ultimately in the precious metals; this payment is indicated by the course of exchange: if this is against France, she is debtor: a few exceptions rather establish the general application of this rule, than destroy it. It is therefore of the utmost importance, that Government should be informed of the true state of the exchange, and the causes of its variations, and should use its efforts to direct them constantly to the advantage of the state. By this method, England and Holland have acquired a distinction which nature had denied them, but which their industry has effected. In those countries the state of exchange is regarded as an important department of the public administration; those who are in othice never forget that their measures ought not to fail of those results which they consider as important, and they study them even in their manner of paying those subsidies which they furnish to their allies. In Holland, and at Hamburgh, France regulates its accounts with the north of Europe: is the exchange against us in those marts? what is the cause of this disadvantage? It was formerly otherwise. The great increase of our naval power requires more timber, and more cordage: their price is higher than formerly. Ought we to continue our purchases in order to prevent our rivals from procuring on too favourable terms what they stand in need of, or ought we to procure from our own forests those supplies which now we import, and encourage the cultivation of hemp on our own soil? Are the productions of our growth equal in quality to what we purchase abroad? Own Sweden furnishes us copper; have we no mines which could supply this article? We purchase also Swedish iron; is not the iron of the ci-devant Berry equally good? If it cost somewhat more, ought we not to consider the higher price as compensated by the advantage of giving employment to our own citizens, and thereby of retaining our coin within ourselves? We formerly furnished colonial productions to the north of Europe; now we go there to fetch them; while our political situation forbids us from cultivating those possessions which produce them, why should we not offer to neutral powers those advan tages which by inducing them to frequent our ports, may relieve us from paying in addition to the value of the commodities, the expenses not only of brokerage, but of a second voyage? We formerly exported the productions of our industry to the north; the vessels which now come to us from thence, return in ballast, formed often of our precious metals; why do not our manufacturers direct their labours to such articles as might please those people, who are still partial to us? What goods do they prefer?—can we not imitate, or even surpass them? Our fashions were formerly sought after in those countries; by what means may we enable them to regain their ascendancy? Holland lends us its capital: but why have we recourse to such borrowings? Are the reciprocal exchanges with the Levant against us? Why have they changed their former character? The ci-devant Languedoc sent thither formerly cloths to the amount of more than 50 niillions of livres, which were consumed in the Ottoman dominions; what power has deprived us of this profitable market? Colbert had wrested it from Holland; who has now seized it? Why have our manufactures suspended their intercourse with most of the factories? Have our agents lost that confidence which formerly they enjoyed in transacting business? Have the inhabitants on the shores of the Bosphorus been deceived? Let the public authority re-establish those regulations which formerly gave us a constant superiority. Do our rivals better understand the taste of their customers? How may we in our turn give them satisfaction? Do foreign dealers vend their productions cheaper? Let us be instructed by what means they accomplish this. Our relations with Spain are advantageous : but is it not in respect to exchange rather in appearance than in reality? Are the advantages which result from our intercourse with America, reciprocal? Do their vessels quit our ports loaded with our merchandize, as they enter them heavily laden with their own? Our industry and manufactures have not been able to maintain the contest with those who borrowing capitals at 5 per cent. deliver their commodities 10, 12, and 15 per cent. cheaper than ours. The fatal increase of luxury, and the increasing dearness of articles of consumption, have not been in France consequences of a larger circulating medium, which always contribute to diminish its value; but effects of the sales of those valuable decorations which formerly belonged to opulent families; and of a desire more general and extended than Whatever advantages we might derive from our national industry;-You destroy those advantages; you, who, u dervaluing all the useful classes, esteem only idlers, parasites; and surround yourselves only with their inutility, you, etrangomanes, who only commend as handsome what is brought you from a distance, who are vain of your furnitures bought of our enemies, and take a pride in your connections with them, as if they were the most honourable; you, pompous cits, of the lower classes, who despising the potteries of our own manufacture, amass those metals in your dining-rooms of which you deprive the circulation; you, French women, who domineer over the fashions of our neighbours, yet at the same time set no value on your own dresses, unless they have been woven on the banks of the Ganges; who think yourselves not protected from the inclemency of the seasons, unless they be trimmed with ermine and sable, or the hammer-cloths of your equipapes are Siberian bear skins; who think yourselves decently clad only when wrapped in Cashmire shawls of the most grotesque patterns, while our own manufactures offer you the chefs-d'œuvres of human industry; you, above all, destroy these advantages, you, detestable smugglers, who seduce by a few ounces of silver those wretches who risque their lives and their liberty to effect the introduction of prohibited articles, and who, in your warehouses, decorated most elegantly with foreign picductions, introduce our own with expressions of contempt, but are voluble in commendation of whatever has been bought of our rivals. We are somewhat mistaken if this work had not other sanction than that of its ostensible author, and other purposes to answer than those dependent on calculations of interest, remittances, and agencies. The description it presents of the difficulties under which the commerce of France labours, and is likely to labour, will not surprise any intelligent Briton who knows how vain it is to expect that commerce should flourish by the exportation of manufactures ex on one side only. This jealously of reendeavours to force the sale of her own, ceiving the productions of others while she per fas et nefas, restrains the commerce of France to its present disadvantageous condition. When she shall be willing to act with equity and probity, to give and take, to admit into her ports, those articles which others may wish to exchange for her productions, as she also changes her productions for the commodities of other countries :-When a more liberal spirit shall animate her rulers, and principles of good faith shall be established in immoveable supremacy throughout her government, and among her merchants, then may she hope for that favourable turn in the course of her exchange, which till that period, every writer in her pay may labour in vain to effect. - Till then, visionary, merely visionary are her expectations of any great accessions to her SHIPS, COLONIES and COMMERCE! A Voyage to Cochin China, in the Years 1792, 1793. Containing a general View of the valuable Productions and political Importance of that flourishing Kingdom, &c. To which is annexed an Account of a Journey in 1801, 1802, to the Residence of the Chief of the Booshuana Nation, being the remotest Point in the Interior of Southern Africa to which Europeans have penetrated. By John Barrow, Esq. F. R. S. qto. pp. 450. Price £3. 13s. 6d. Cadell and Davies, 1806. MR. BARROW is already well known to the public, by his travels in Southern Africa, and his voyage to China. The former were undertaken by command of the government, at the Cape of Good Hope; the latter was performed in the embassy which accompanied Lord Macartney to the Court of Pekin. The favourable reception of both these works, which we perused with pleasure long ago, contributed, we suppose, to promote the appearance of the present volume. In size, subject, and execution, it forms a proper companion to them. The author has not merely given a journal of his voyage, and of the events which occurred in its course; but has distinguished himself as a man of observation, and has thrown out a variety of suggestions intended for the advantage of his country. We do not affirm, that no part of his reasoning is unexceptionable, but we freely acknowledge our obligations to him; and confess that his volume abounds with proofs of sound judgement, and vigorous understanding: with novelty, amusement, and information. The track pursued by the little squadron charged with the British embassy to China, was nearly coincident with that usually adopted by our Indiamen: from England to Madeira, and Teneriffe, to Brazil, the Cape of Good Hope, the Straits of Sunda, Batavia, and from thence to China: avoiding, however, in this instance Canton, and landing at a port much nearer to Pekin. Without attempting a particular analysis of this work: we shall insert for public benefit a selection of passages which may enable our readers to estimate the consideration due to the labours of Mr. Barrow. If we cannot on every subject regard them as complete, yet we consider their author as much more deserving of commendation, for what he has communicated, than of censure for deficiencies, which, whatever be our wishes, his insufficient opportunities forbad him the means of supplying. The Island of Madeira is so well known, that we shall merely state the proportion of its exports taken by different countries: very few, perhaps not more than a dozen on the whole island. A very interesting description of Rio de Janeiro, is given by Mr. B. He has also favoured us with a plan of the harbour, and two views of the coast around the town. From the present state of public report, we attach uncommon impor tance to these documents, and shall transcribe a part of their contents. The first remarkable object after passing Cape Frio, is a gap or rent in the verdant ridge of mountains which skirts the sea-coast. This chasm appears from a distance, like a narrow portal between two checks of solid stone. The cheek on the left or western side, is a solid stone of a sugar loaf form. A solid mass of hard sparkling granite, 680 feet high above the surface out of which it rises. The opposite check is of the same material; but has a regular and easy slope from the water's edge to the summit. A little island strongly fortified, just within the entrance, contracts the passage to the width of about three-fourths of a mile. Having cleared this channel, one of the most magnificent scenes in nature bursts upon the enraptured eye. Let any one imagine to himself an immense sheet of water running back into the heart of a beautiful country, to the distance of about thirty miles, where it is bounded by a screen of lofty mountains, always majestic, whether their rugged and shapeless summits are tinged with azure or purple, or buried in the clouds. Let him imagine this sheet of water gradually to expand, from the narrow portal through which it communicates with the sea, to the width of twelve or fourteen miles, to be every where studded with innumerable little islands, scattered over its surface in every diversity of shape, and exhibiting every variety of trait that an exuberant and incessant vegetation is capable of affording. Let him conceive the shores of these islands to be so fringed with fragrant and beautiful shrubs, not planted by man, but scattered by the easy and liberal hand of nature, as completely to be concealed in their verdant covering. Let him figure to himself this beautiful sheet of water, with its numerous islands, to be encompassed on every side by hills of a moderate height, rising in gradual succession above each other, all profusely clad in lively green, and crowned with groupes of the noblest trees, while their shores are indented with numberless inlets, shooting their arms across the most delightfal vallies, to meet the murmuring rills, and bear their waters into the vast and common rescrvoir of all. In short, let him imagine to himself a succession of Mount Edgecumbes to be continued along the shores of a magnificent lake, not less in circuit than a hundred miles; and having placed these in a climate where |