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culation. I see danger in all documents of that kind. It is not so much from the slaves that the danger is to be feared, as from our white nonslaveholding population. The institutions of the South rest as truly on their backs, as on the backs of our slaves. But they do not know it. They think it an honor and an advantage to themselves as yet, to aid us in holding our human property in servitude. But they are themselves impoverished by the system, and reduced nearly to the level of slaves. Now this truth, the anti-slavery papers and documents which pass to and fro in the mail, are constantly declaring and explaining. If these documents, therefore, should obtain circulation among our Non-Slaveholders, we, who at present control them and our slaves together, would find our power speedily shaken. For discovering Slavery to be prejudicial to them, they would at once apply the torch of emancipation, and the edifice of our own freedom would soon be in a conflagration which nothing could extinguish. Slave-breeding, Concubinage, and Amalgamation, which are the jewels of our free institutions, would soon disappear, and there would be nothing left among us but Justice and Equal Rights. Can a Slaveholder look forward to such results with any feelings but those of horror and alarm? There is nothing we have so much to dread as the triumph of Justice and Truth. May the Lord save us from anything of the kind!

But that I may do my duty to prevent these consequences, I hereby authorize all Post-Masters to open the mails, and take from them all incendiary

matter, by which I mean, all matter bringing in question the right of slaveholding. It is well enough for northern people to pay most of our postage, and keep up the postal system for us, but it is not well that they should send through the South anti-slavery papers. A single one might be the occasion of suddenly revealing to our non-slaveholding population their true position, and thus endangering our power, or it might open the way to Canada, to hundreds of our servants.

Please, therefore, to keep a careful watch of the mails, and suffer none of this incendiary matter to circulate in the South, lest her chivalrous sons awake some sunny morning, and find themselves surrounded by thousands of emancipated slaves, the wrecks of our glorious Union! I write under most painful apprehensions.

Now when this missive was received, a crowd gathered upon the arrival of the next mail, and seizing the bags they carried them forth into a public square, and emptying them they found two doubtful documents, which were opened and read in the hearing of all. And one proved to be a little pamphlet by the American Tract Society. This was carefully replaced in the mail, for there was nothing in it they thought tending to establish Justice. The other was a printed copy of the Declaration of Independence, which was also read as far as these words: We hold these truths to be selfevident, that all men are created equal, and are possessed of certain inalienable rights-when the crowd shouted at once: That is an abolition paper!

Then taking it out they kindled a great fire, and with loud cries and rejoicings burned it to ashes.

So the mail-bags were purified, and that night the crowd slept soundly, for the Union had been saved.

XLI.

THE DISTRESSED SEMINARY.

Slaves may be sold to support the Gospel.

THE directors of a Theological Seminary in the South, founded for the spread of the Gospel of peace and love, were wont to loan its funds in such a way as to bring in a sure annual income to its corps of teachers. And as the best security in that region for money loaned was slaves, they lent a portion of the funds of the institution on a mortgage of eight human beings. Time passed, and the borrower, being unsuccessful in business, was unable either to pay the interest or restore the principal. The directors of the Seminary, perceiving the state of affairs, held a council to decide upon the action necessary to pursue; for they began to fear that there might be an utter loss of the money, unless they had recourse to the law. Then one of them who had much experience in such matters gave this advice:

Our Seminary, brethren, was founded for the spread of the Gospel. But the Gospel cannot be proclaimed unless teachers be instructed, and a ministry be supported to divide the word rightly, and in accordance with the standard set by the

Apostles. Now a ministry must be prepared by theological training, for the preachers of the word cannot, as in the days of the Apostles, receive inspiration directly from God, as he has now no direct contact with the human intellect. And, therefore, theological seminaries are founded to supply the want of inspiration, and by a sifting of the letter of Scripture, to discover the only right path to salvation. For the Gospel is not now so much a proclamation of glad tidings, as a gloomy message touching the awful hazards to which one is exposed after death by simply being born a man; and its function is to awaken men to a due sense of their danger from God.

To raise up preachers of such a Gospel is the object of our Seminary. But we cannot instruct and prepare preachers, unless the revenue of the Seminary is steadily supplied. The stream of money must be constant, or our Gospel will not be preached. The means of grace are not divine influences alone, but a little money likewise. Do you not see what is our duty in the present emergency? Our creditor cannot pay, but we have a mortgage on eight of his slaves. It is clear that the slaves should be sold at auction. And though by so doing we sacrifice the slaves, we do it to subserve the necessities of the preached word. This is perfectly right. For see how the case stands. No money regularly paid in, there is no longer any theological seminary; if no seminary of theology, no Gospel preachers; no preachers, no salvation of the world. My heart bleeds, brethren, when I

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