WE Congratulate the members of the Association on the large attendance of its friends on the occasion of the TWELFTH ANNUAL MEETING, and on the warm approval of the aim and work of the Association expressed by its esteemed chairman, the Right Hon. James Stansfeld, M.P. He followed a long roll of eminent public men who have in succeeding years presided over our meetings, such as the late Lord Shaftesbury, the late Cardinal Manning, Lord Herschell, Lord Farrer, and the Bishop of Durham; but by none of those able advocates of our cause was Mr. Stansfeld surpassed in elevated thought and in an appeal to the noblest interests of mankind. We would that his solemn warnings might be published through the length and breadth of Europe-viz., that the alternative before her was "disarmament or ruin," and the alternative, that of "international anarchy or the organisation of nations in a peaceful society." A noteworthy feature of our meeting consisted in the large number of letters from foreign friends and co-workers, containing congratulations and good wishes. They bore striking testimony-expressed in eloquent language to the services rendered by our Association on the Continent; while some went so far as to declare that the Societies to which the writers belonged owed their origin to our efforts. These hearty and friendly words were noticed by Mr. Stansfeld, who congratulated the meeting on this encouraging fact. As stated in the annual report, one of the special characteristics of our organisation is that we pursue an international purpose through international methods. The fact that our efforts have met with such wide and deep appreciation in many countries is a true recompense to our committee for its labours, which often involve much anxiety and responsibility. The members of our Association are aware that those labours have not been confined to the duty of preaching "Arbitration and Peace," or of advocating abstract principles. We have attempted a far more difficult task, but one which is greatly needed. We have endeavoured to persuade our fellow-workers at home and abroad that they must impartially and thoroughly study all the causes which, directly or indirectly, predispose men to conflict. We have gone farther-we have openly pointed out the existing nature of the existing disputes which threaten the maintenance of peace, and we have tried to suggest in what manner they should be solved, according to the principles of equity. We want to lead men to cultivate more and more an international spirit, and to care a thousand times more for the triumph of justice than for the triumph of their own claims, often, as Mr. Gladstone recently intimated, immoderate in character. We have laboured for the unity and cooperation of the peoples as essential to the true welfare of all. We have adopted methods which many thought unpractical and useless. We have, however, received the approval and encouragement of eminent statesmen in many countries; and we will gladly persevere in our difficult task-on one condition. This is that those who believe in the value of these efforts should enable our Association to live. A vast amount of our work has been gratuitous and honorary. What is expended in remuneration of services is little more than nominal. Our small income is chiefly applied to the indispensable items of rent, printing and postage; and yet our receipts fall short of our expenses by £150 per annum. That is a state of things which would endanger the existence of any organisation, and therefore the continuance of work declared on the highest authority to be of great value to the world. H. P. A MEMORABLE TRIUMPH. THE House of Commons has, by its resolution of the 16th June, unanimously expressed its desire that there should be a treaty with the United States of America, whereby any differences between these two great sister nations shall be settled by arbitration, This is virtually the meaning of the cautious words of the resolution actually adopted; which must be interpreted by the facts which led up to it, and by the words of all who supported itMr. W. R. Cremer, the mover of the original resolution; the Prime Minister, who gave that resolution a new form; of Sir John Lubbock, who seconded the motion; and of Mr. James Stansfeld. What led up to Mr. Cremer's motion was the fact that the two Houses of Congress authorised the President of the United States to invite negotiations with foreign Governments for reference of arbitration of differences which could not be adjusted by diplomatic agency. This was passed in February, 1890. In April, 1890, a Conference of eighteen republics at Washington agreed to a form of Arbitration Treaty, and ten of them signed it. In October, 1890, the United States Government brought this resolution to the knowledge of our own as well as other Governments, and, when doing so, the President wrote in reference to this Treaty, and expressed a hope "that the important objects now sought to be attained may favourably impress this upon Her Majesty's Government." This, Mr. Gladstone says, gave an opportunity to the Government to make a favourable reply. That reply has now been given by the House of Commons, on the recommendation of the Prime Minister; and it is so important, as a great and indispensable step towards the ultimate aim, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer was justified in declaring that the resolution was one of the most important ever submitted to the House. The next step must be taken by the President of the United States; and the express purpose of Mr. Gladstone is, that as a matter of "international courtesy," that next step," the initiative," in definitely proposing a permanent Treaty of Arbitration,-should be left with the President and not assumed by ourselves. Mr. Gladstone therefore moved "That the House, cordially sympathising with the purpose in view, expresses the hope that Her Majesty's Government will lend their ready co-operation to the Government of the United States upon the basis of the foregoing resolution," the substance of which we have already stated. As Mr. James Stansfeld said in the course of this debate, "it would be utter folly if we did not understand that it would be for our best advantage, at the earliest possible moment, to enter into a Treaty of Peace and Arbitration with the great Anglo-Saxon race on the other side of the Atlantic. But Arbitration was not the goal. The ultimate ideal was an international law, created by the society of nations, forbidding international breaches of peace, and settling disputes between nations as the dis putes between the citizens of individual States were settled." The House of Commons has done itself immortal honour by its unanimous vote on this occasion; and it must not be forgotten that the first step in the series of public efforts made upon both sides of the Atlantic was the memorial to the President and Congress signed by 234 members of the House. The honour of initiating that memorial and of organising the deputation of British M.P.'s to Washington rests with Mr. W. R. Cremer; and we offer him our hearty congratulations on this last victory in favour of an Anglo-American Treaty. Our country has been foremost in its faithful advocacy of this great principle of Law versus Force. That is a greater ground for national pride than all the victories of war that ever were won. Let it not be forgotten that it is the power of public opinion pressing upon the representatives of the people, both at Washington and Westminster, that alone brings about such triumphs of right and justice. That public opinion is the result of the unwearied and patient efforts of such Societies as ours, defying ridicule and cowardice, and faithful to the end because conscious that they have truth on their side. H. P. THE TRAIL OF BLOOD AND EXPENDITURE IN BURMAH. In a GRAVE RECENT COMPLICATIONS. It is now more than a year since the recommendations by the Wantage Committee of certain changes in the commissariat and additions to military pay and equipment, which would, if fully carried out, have added a couple of millions to the army expenditure. House which" without hesitation or compunction," to use Sir W. Harcourt's words in his Budget speech, "creates a new empire here, annexes a fresh territory there," its adoption was far from improbable, and even a new and more economical Government has not hesitated to add, if not very largely, in a time of peace with all Foreign Powers, to both Army and Navy estimates, notwithstanding the enormous and unprecedented outlay in ironclads during the three preceding years. With regard to the first of the two branches of the service and its steady increase during the last seven years, it is largely owing to the policy pursued in our Eastern Empire, and especially in the attempted, for it is still far from accomplished, annexation of Upper Burmah. These views have been strikingly confirmed by the revelations of a well-informed correspondent, Mr. W. Martin Wood, who has made the affairs of India his especial study. He showed that since 1884-5, the last year of the Marquis of Ripon's Governor-Generalship in India, the amount paid by the Government for the Army alone had risen from 16,953,000 of tens of rupees to 23,000,000 of tens of rupees. The year previous it had only been fifteen and a-quarter millions, so that it had risen in little more than seven or eight years not far from fifty per cent., thus effectually preventing any relaxation of the pressure of salt or other duties on the poorest paid peasantry in the world. While the Army cost has thus increased in India, the Home estimates have risen two millions sterling, and the number of men voted then 140,000 is now 154,000. The reserve has also increased from 50,000 to 78,500. Thus, not only a couple of millions sterling are paid by the British taxpayer, but in India the cost has so advanced that, as Mr. Wood remarks, it is "more than the whole nett land revenue of the Peninsula." The king is dead; long live the king. No sooner had the after-swell of the Afghan War subsided than military eyes were turned to the annexation of the third and last portion of Burmah. This step has cost the two Governments twelve millions sterling, and the work is far from finished, three tribes alone having cost in two years 120,000 tens of rupees. The trail of the British soldier is still one of blood, and it is hard to say who is most responsible for the costly butchery. We can only recall one Parliamentary protest, uttered by Sir John Swinburne soon after the war began : "Sir W. Barttelot," he said, "had talked of the prestige which we reaped from these wars. Now the Burmese were a hard-working, industrious people at that time, and opium was the only form of comfort that we had brought them. We ask the people of India to pay for this war, brought on because we were jealous of a European nation making friendly treaties with a friendly nation; but what would right honourable members of the front bench say if Russia were to annex Persia to obtain a seaboard, a right no better than ours to annex Upper Burmah. It was pure trade jealousy, and to keep out French and Italian trade we annexed that great country against the voice of the people. Do you think," he said, "that if India had a representative government it would propose to spend millions of the hard-earned money of a people, already heavily taxed, for a war in Burmah. He had impressed on his memory a vivid picture of the war of 1852, when he saw the banks of the rivers strewed with dead and wounded-the last, in some cases, hurried to death by our own soldiers before his eyes. The only way of preventing such wars was to discuss their necessity before the money was voted, and, if the policy were not approved, the former would not be forthcoming. Lord Ripon, when Governor-General, not only did not advocate war with Burmah, but, on the contrary, had told them it was entirely unnecessary." Here there were cries of "Divide! Divide !" and, after a few more remarks, he sat down. The rush into this new war under Lord Dufferin was made, as Mr. Wood says, in utter defiance of the statute of 1858, laying down (clause 58): "Except to prevent or repel actual invasion of Her Majesty's Indian possessions, the revenues of India shall not, without the consent of both Houses, be applicable to defray the expenses of any military operation carried on beyond the external frontiers of such possession.' By no ingenuity of argument, therefore, can the war be defended, and its awful responsibility lies on the two Governments concerned. As a matter of fact the nationality thus treated is the cream of South-Eastern Asia. The Burmans are so intelligent that the vast bulk are said to be able to read and write. The odious distinction of caste is unknown. Infant marriages, as in India, are not allowed, and all others are civil. They are courageous, self-reliant, and cheerful. Women are in a better position, and more independent than in China or India. The observations of a foreign resident, in a book translated recently into English, are: "Men and women are alike characterised by an independence of spirit, the like of which I have never encountered in any other race. They scorn menial employment, and have no domestic servants. Caste does not exist. In average intelligence they are far above the Hindoos. While we noticed the latter passed with a 'salaam,' the Burmans stopped and spoke to us, often asking for a light, always showing undisguised gratification if you showed them, for example, the machinery of your watch." In our attempt to subjugate a people unusually full of self-respect and courage we have now been occupied for seven years, and we treat them like Red Indians or Australian savages. The only rule followed is the will of "Captain Sword," as when Sir A. McKenzie, on his own responsibility, decided to annex, such are the words of the despatch, a new and large portion of the country beyond the ruby mines, it would largely assist the pacification of Upper Burmah. It was peopled by a new tribe, but many Burmans proper were there. The struggle, in which there had been a pause, reopened. Not long after after) February 20th, 1892) Sadon, then in our possession, was attacked by 500 Katchins (shortened in the despatches to Chins), who surrounded it, killing five Sepoys and wounding fourteen. The roads were blocked, and of twelve coming to relieve it all but two were killed. Yet On the 16th of April there was sharp fighting in the Lushai district for four hours, and forty of the natives were killed and wounded. they are in no way disheartened. Another post was attacked, with slaughter on both sides, and the village was burnt to the ground, as whole towns had been before. Again a lull till October last, when the Chins attacked a camp, fourteen being killed. Two villages were burnt, and the rising was widespread. Hostilities were renewed in January in various directions with loss of life. In March, orders came, it is said, from London to suspend operations in the Katchin Hills, new complications showing themselves on the boundaries between Burmalı and China, which had begun four months before. Notwithstanding, we read soon after of two villages held by us being attacked by a large body of Chins. As a further consequence of our annexation, it was stated on November 30th, 1892, that there was then a deadlock in the delimitation of the Burmah-China frontier, owing to the unreasonable demands of China as to the country north of the Taeping river, and lying between the Irawaddy and the Yunnan Hills. The Chinese seemed determined in their view, and consequently the question of the frontier between China and Bhamo had assumed a grave complexion. Troubles are also threatening on the Siamese frontier. The beginning of strife is said to be like the letting out of water, but its colour and quality is in this case that of blood. To In the same week, 13th April last, we learn through Reuter, that a chief, who reminds us of Osman Digna, the ex-Tswaba, who had not been heard of for a year, had appeared at the head of 300 well-armed Chinese. He had attacked two villages, and surrounded fifty British troops. These complications are increased by the British having, it is said, determined to carry out an old understanding between Burmah and China, that every ten years the former gives a tribute to the latter in native produce sent by a special mission. It is to be sent to China in November. prevent the further progress of the above chief, a military column was sent from Bhamo, who captured four leading rebels and 270 guns, but South Burmah was reported to be very unsettled. At least a score of skirmishes, more or less bloody, have taken place since October last, and the spirit of resistance seems to be still strong. With British facility in epithets as seen in such words as "blacklegs," "scab," and "knobstick," the nickname of "Dacoits," or thieves, is given to the Burmans. But on this head, a British general, Sir H. W. D. Prendergast, has something to say. "Dacoity," he says, "is admitted to be a weakness of the Burmans; but to speak of a band of 10,000 insurgents as if they were a mere gang of robbers is absurd and unjust. to their alleged cowardice, it is easy for men, drilled, disciplined, instructed in tactics, and practiced in the use of the Martini-Henry or magazine rifle, to taunt undisciplined Orientals, armed with swords, spears, fowling pieces, or, at best, rifles to which they are unaccustomed, because they prefer wood fighting to meeting the enemy in the open. But how would it be if the weapons were changed?" Till fighting under such conditions has been tried, General As Prendergast thinks we shall not be entitled to ANNUAL MEETING OF THE THE Twelfth Annual Meeting was held on Friday, 30th June, at the Westminster Palace Hotel. The RIGHT HON. JAMES STANSFELD, M.P., presided, and there was a good attendance. LETTERS REGRETTING ABSENCE. The Secretary announced that letters regretting inability to attend the meeting had been received from Lord Monkswell, Earl Compton, M.P., the Right Hon. Sir John Lubbock, Bart, M.P., Messrs. A. Cameron Corbett, M.P., H. E. Hoare, M.P., J. W. Logan, M.P., R. W. Perks, M.P., H. J. Roby, M.P., A. Spicer, M.P., Sir Edmund Hornby, Cardinal Vaughan, Rev. Canon H. Scott Holland, Rev. Brooke Herford, Dr. J. H. Gladstone, F.RS., Mrs. Sophie Bryant, D.Sc., Mrs. Broadley Reid, and Miss F. Willard. The following members of Parliament had hoped to be present, but were prevented at the last moment from attending owing to their parliamentary duties :Sir Joseph Pease, Sir Henry E. Roscoe, Sir W. Wedderburn, Major E. R. Jones, Messrs. W. P. Byles, C. H. Hopwood, Q.C., and F. Lockwood, Q.C. Mr. Moncure D. Conway had also promised to address the meeting, but was obliged to leave London; and the Rev. Brooke Lambert was prevented by illness from being present. LETTERS FROM CONTINENTAL SOCIETIES AND Dr. CHARLES RICHET, of Paris. -"We must not be discouraged because we do not at once see the results of our propaganda. The sower who scatters the seed far and wide knows well that all the grains will not be fruitful; but it is enough that some come up to assure the future harvest. In the same way when we are struggling against war in favour of peace and justice, we know well that all our words will not bear fruit; but it is enough that some of them develop among mankind the feeling of solidarity and humanity. Let us not cease then from fighting the good fight, without rest and without weakness! "If we look back we find that considerable progress has been made. To-day when arbitration is spoken of people do not laugh; they say that it is a beautiful dream, but they do not dare to jeer; they understand that we are right; they approve of our ideas and do not reproach us with their being adopted by too few people. Consequently let us not relax our zeal. Let us preserve the cult of justice, and although we may still be only few in number, let us repeat that no hall would be large enough to contain even the thousandth part of those whom we desire to protect and defend." L. DE MONTLUC, Judge of the Court of Appeal, when Douai.-"In these times of egoism and cupidity, so many people think, speak and act only for money, one is happy to see the work of men like yourself and your friends who live only by well doing and for the highest good. Our day is perhaps nearer than we think, for evil disappears through excess of evil. The firm of Corruption, Villainy & Co. is engaged in squandering its capital. Let us not despair then! Let us continue to serve with courage our country and humanity!" A. MAZZOLENI, of Milan.-"The active and wise propaganda, the eminent services rendered to the cause, the work in the Press, in the Universities, and in all which concerns the moral education of the young, give your Association a just title to recognition and homage from those who, devoted to the same humanitarian object, are working for peace, for the happiness and solidarity of the nations. Allow me also, while congratulating you, to praise your House of Commons for the motion at last adopted in favour of a treaty of arbitration with the United States of America. If, as everybody is coming to believe, before this year has passed diplomatic proceedings will have been advanced in this direction by these two Powers, we may be sure of great progress towards the accomplishment of our desires. For I think that arbitration, in the present political situation, ought to take the first step as the most practicable means for arriving at a true general pacification, establishing a juridical status among nations. Arbitration will be the ladder for arriving at the solution of other questions which at present are only considered capable of solution by arms. We hope that the resolutions of the next Congress at Chicago will have great influence on international politics, which at present are face to face with the dilemma: Disarmament or ruin!" FÉDÉRIC PASSY.-" I pray you to again assure your colleagues of the interest with which we continue to follow your work. The unfortunate state of my health during the last few months has not permitted me to Occupy myself as actively as I could wish with the interests of the cause which we serve. "The International Peace Bureau and the permanent Interparliamentary Committee, thanks to our friends Ducommun and Gobat, become every day more important. From the most different points of view facts bear witness to the progress of our ideas. There is the Behring Sea arbitration tribunal which has been sitting for several months in Paris. There is the letter from Cardinal Rampolla to a French priest which you have published in CONCORD. How can one help being equally struck by the recent vote of the British House of Commons on the motion of Mr. Cremer and by the speech of Mr. Gladstone? How can one remain indifferent to the words of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Italy in reply to our friend Pandolfi? The Secolo has commented on these words in a pointed article, and drawn attention to the contrast between the conduct of Signor Crispi prohibiting the meetings of the Peace Societies, and that of Signor Brin rendering homage to the work of that Society, felicitating the efforts of the international committees, and declaring that the cooperation of the Governments is due to those efforts. We are no longer isolated individuals or scattered groups of brave men groaning in a corner over the ills of humanity. We are a powerful phalanx of force and influence acting in concert for the same object, and we now form a power with which it is impossible not to reckon. Let us persevere then, and may each day, each year, enable us to record some fresh success." E. ARNAUD, President of the "League of Peace and Liberty.""It is necessary that the peoples press forward, and it is necessary, in particular, that the peoples of Europe impose themselves on their Governments, and impose on themselves the policy of peace by liberty with a view to justice. Our league will hold its twentysixth annual congress at Geneva in September next. In sending our fraternal salutations to the International Arbitration and Peace Association, I am desired to invite you to our congress. We shall then take note of the progress of public opinion, and we shall have, we do not doubt, to acknowledge that a large part of this progress has been due to your meeting, and in general to the active propaganda of your Association." BARONESS B. VON SUTTNER, of Vienna.-"In the name of the Austrian fellow-workers a most heartfelt greeting to our English friends assembled at Westminster Palace Hotel. How happy it would have made me if I had been able to come to London. I consider your Association as the 'fatherland' of all peace societies-it certainly has been the fountain-spring of ours. Blessed be your work!" FREDRIK BAJER, of Copenhagen.-"On the occasion of your annual meeting I am authorised to ask you to accept our best thanks for the great services rendered to our common cause by the Association of which you are the chairman, and our sincerest good wishes for the success of the meeting to be presided over by Mr. Stansfeld. The Association of Denmark will never forget that it is to your Association that it owes its existence. Accept then, dear fellow-workers, our most cordial greetings. I would add our filial greetings! FRANZ WIRTH, President of the Frankfort Peace Society."I think I may speak in the name of all the German Peace Societies when I send you hearty congratulations for your annual meeting. Our great cause is advancing and promises to overcome the difficulties with which it has hitherto been beset. The great debate in your Parliament has evoked enthusiasm everywhere, and we think that sooner or later our turn will come. The Continental Governments must follow. But England, as most fitted for the purpose, should convoke a congress of all the Powers for instituting international arbitration. England, go on, and be blessed by all future generations." The ELIE DUCOMMUN, Hon. Sec. of the International Peace Bureau, Berne.-"There seems to be a feeling in Europe that serious events are in process of development on which may depend the ruin or welfare of nations, whether a spirit of love or hatred shall preside over the relationship of the different nations. logical development of past times has certainly added to the feeling of brotherhood, which is shown by the cry for peace going up from so many hearts. The persevering efforts of societies with a specific purpose have been necessary to guide the Governments and nations towards the ideas of peace, international arbitration, and of partial pacification. The U.S.A. and Great Britain, a federative republic and a constitutional monarchy, present to the world a good example in being the first to tread the path of permanent treaties of arbitration. I cannot doubt that this example will be followed; and humanity, once delivered from the nightmare of war, will bless the beginners of this great deliverance. Over our mountains and your seas I send you, on the occasion of your annual meeting, my congratulations and good wishes." Mr. HODGSON PRATT Mr. Stansfeld, ladies and gentlemen-I will not keep you more than a few minutes, in order to state the substance of the report which will be in your hands in a few days. The gratifying letters which have been addressed to us on this occasion by some of our numerous foreign colleagues, make it unnecessary for me to remind you that we are an International Society engaged in doing international work. Those letters show clearly how great and encouraging has been our influence, not only in England, but throughout the continent of Europe. At the very outset of our undertaking, thirteen years ago, we felt that if this great and necessary mission were to be successful, it must be through the united efforts of men in all countries animated by the same great hope. Our first task, therefore, was to put ourselves into communication with all who might be willing to co-operate with us in other countries. This was accomplished, not only by correspondence, but by many personal visits to foreign |